休假通知-周记作文

2016 上外翻硕英语基础真题
I. Cloze Here's
why the 'American century' will survive rise of China

In 1941, Time editor Henry Luce proclaimed ―the American century‖. Some now see this
coming to an end a result of the nation’s economic and political decline. Many point to
the example of US failure to convince its allies to stay out of the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank, Beijing’s rival to the World Bank; but this was of an example of a
faulty decision than evidence of decline, which raises the question of what is the natural life
cycle of a nation.
A century is generally the limit for a human organism, but countries are social constructs.
Rome did not collapse until more than three centuries after it reached its apogee of power in
117AD. After American independence in 1776, Horace Walpole, the British politician,
lamented that his nation had been reduced to the level of Sardinia, just as Britain was about to
enter the industrial revolution that d its second century as a global power.
Any effort at assessing American power in the coming decades should into
account how many earlier efforts had been wide of the mark. It is chastening to remember
how wildly rated US estimates of Soviet power in the 1970s and of Japanese power
in the 1980s were. Today, some see the Chinese as 10 feet tall and proclaim this ―the Chinese
century‖.
China’s size and relatively rapid economic growth will bring it closer to the US in terms of its
power resources in the next few decades. But this does not necessarily mean it will surpass
the US in military, economic and soft power.
if China suffers no big domestic political setback, many projections are simple linear
extrapolations of growth rates that are likely to slow in the future. er, economic
projections are one dimensional. They ignore US military and soft power advantages, such as
the desire of students around the world to attend US universities. They also overlook China’s
geopolitical antages in the Asian balance of power, compared with America’s
relations with Europe, Japan and India, which are likely to remain more favourable.
It is not impossible that a challenger such as China, Europe, Russia, India or Brazil will
surpass the US in the first half of this century, but it is not likely.
On the question of absolute rather than ve American decline, the US faces serious
problems in areas such as debt, secondary education, income in equality and political gridlock,
but these are only part of the picture. On the positive side of the ledger are favourable trends
in demography, technology and energy as well as abiding factors such as geography and
entrepreneurial culture.
The scenarios that could itate decline include ones in which the US overreacts to
terrorist attacks by turning inwards and thus cuts itself off from the strength it obtains from
openness. Alternatively, it could react by overcommitting itself and wasting blood and
treasure as it did in Vietnam and Iraq.
As an overall assessment, describing the 21st century as one of American decline is inaccurate
and misleading. Though the US has problems it is not in absolute decline, unlike ancient
Rome, and it is likely to remain more powerful than any single state in coming decades.
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The real problem is not that it will be overtaken by China or another contender, but rather that
it faces a rise in the power resources of many others — both states and non-state actors such
as transnational corporations, terrorist groups and cyber criminals. And it will face an
increasing number of global problems that will on our ability to organise alliances and
networks.
ry to the views of those who proclaim that this is the Chinese century, we have not
entered a post-American world. But the American century of the future will not look the same
as in previous decades. The US of the world economy will be smaller than it was in
the middle of the past century.
Furthermore, the complexity created by the rise of other countries, as well as the increased
role of non-state actors, will make it harder for even America, the biggest power,
to influence and organise action. Entropy is a greater challenge than China.
At the same time, even when the US had its greatest preponderance of power resources, it
often failed to secure what it wanted. Those who argue that the disorder of today’s world is
much worse than in the past should remember a year such as 1956, when the US was unable
to prevent Soviet sion of a revolt in Hungary; or the Suez invasion by America’s
allies Britain, France and must not view the past through rose-tinted glasses. Now,
with slightly less preponderance and a much more complex world, the American century will
continue for at least a few decades, but it will look very different from when Luce first
articulated it.

answer the following questions aspects are ingored by many when it comes
to accessing American power?
Britain decline after American independence?
an example of American decline?
are the real problems faced by the U.S.?
will the future of the American century be like?

III. Write a composition in no less than 400 words.

Is damage to the environment the inevitable consequence of improving the living standard?

2016年上外MTI汉语写作与百科知识

一、百科知识

1.新文化运动的主要刊物是（ ）
2.中国由女真族建立的政权是（ ）和（ ）。
3.唐朝诗人杜牧在（）中描述了秦朝大兴土木的状况。
4.编钟是一种（ ）
5.中国的汉字造形方法是（ ）
6.元曲四大家（ ）
7.五岳有（ ）
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二、成语解释
1.满腹经纶
2.卧薪尝胆
3.首当其冲
4.白驹过隙
5.暴殄天物
三、请阅读下列文章，写一篇读后感，不少于1000字
人民日报评薄熙来案：法理昭彰，有腐必惩

中评社北京9月22日电／人民日报9月23日评论员文章：坚持法治反腐，建设廉洁政治

法理昭彰，有腐必惩。9月22日，济南市中级人民法院对薄熙来受贿、贪污、滥用职
权案 做出一审判决，判处无期徒刑，剥夺政治权利终身，并处没收个人全部财产。综观整个
薄熙来案，从立案 侦查、审查起诉、提起公诉到开庭审理，再到法院宣判，整个过程以事实
为根据，以法律为准绳，彰显了 法治精神和司法正义，表明瞭我们党和国家依法惩治腐败的
坚决态度和坚定决心。

用法治思维和法治方式反对腐败，是我们党坚持倡导的反腐思路。薄熙来案的查处过程，
始 终都贯穿着依法反腐的基本理念。无论是依党纪国法的查办过程，还是对案件的依法指定
管辖；无论是控 辩双方充分质证、法院公开透明审理，还是依法作出一审判决，都始终运行
在法治的轨道上，始终以法治 精神为依归。正因如此，对薄熙来案的依法查处，得到广大干
部群众的支持拥护。这同时也有力表明，坚 持依法反腐，既体现一种政治文明，也凝聚着普
遍的社会共识。

律己廉为首 ，治国法为先。坚定不移惩治腐败，是我们党有力量的表现，也是全党同志
和广大群众的共同愿望。对薄 熙来的坚决依法惩处充分表明，党纪国法面前没有例外，不管
涉及到谁，都要一查到底，都要依法严惩。 实践证明，反腐败越坚决，坚持“老虎”“苍蝇”
一起打，就越能发挥震慑力。当前，腐败现象依然多发 ，滋生腐败的土壤依然存在，反腐败
斗争的形势依然严峻复杂，只有始终保持惩治腐败高压态势，坚持依 纪依法严惩腐败，才能
正党风、顺民意，才能聚党心、得民心。

党的十八大 提出建设廉洁政治的重要任务，要求做到干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明。
全党同志尤其是各级领导干部 务必牢记，任何人都没有法律之外的绝对权力，任何人行使权
力都必须为人民服务、对人民负责并自觉接 受人民监督；务必坚定理想信念，强化宗旨意识，
时刻警醒拒腐防变，带头遵纪守法，不断增强自我凈化 、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高能
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力；务必坚持廉洁自律，把反腐倡廉 当做政治必修课来认真对待，守住做人、处事、用权、
交友的底线，永葆共产党人清正廉洁的政治本色。



2016年上外MTI英语翻译基础

一、请将下列文章翻译成中文

Why the term Sharing Economy need to die？
The ―sharing economy‖ is a meaningless term that was only coined in the first place
because of the tech industry’s desire to pretend everything it does is new and groundbreaking.
Now, almost a decade after it started seeing use, it’s worse than simply being
meaningless: it’s actively obfuscatory, lumping together a hugely disparate bunch of
companies, many of which push the definition to its limits, and the biggest examples of which
have nothing to do with ―sharing‖ at all.
The term grew out of the open-source community, where coders contribute to programs
released to the world free-of-charge. The push for a similar model to be applied to the real
world dates back to the early 2000s, but it took the financial crisis for it to grow from a niche
idea to one taken seriously.
By the 2010s, the focus had narrowed from a nebulous attempt to bring the open source
ethos out of the coding world to a more specific look at how to use technology to enable more
efficient use of scarce resources. At the same time, the buzzwords had also stabilised, with a
number of academic-sounding terms such as ―commons-based peer production‖ (as coined by
NYU law professor Yochai Benkler) to two main contenders: ―the sharing economy‖, and
―collaborative consumption‖.
The time was ripe for both ideas to take off. With unemployment in the west still high,
and ideas of ―post-growth capitalism‖ floating in the ether, groups that could articulate an
alternative view of the world were popular. And the archetypal collaborative consumption
models were seemingly win-win. A typical analogy for the sort of model people wanted to
build was focused on household tools: if you own a drill, you likely don’t use it 364 days of
the year; why not let others use it in the meantime?
In its purest sense, that is the sharing economy. But it very quickly ran into an issue:
while some people act out of altruism, most don’t. My drill is mine. Why should I share it
with you?
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Some sites, such as Freecycle, still focus on acting out of the goodness of one’s heart,
but the success stories of the sharing economy solved the problem by looking to the old
economy. And so ―sharing‖ became ―renting‖. Even today, one report finds 20 companies in
the sharing economy whose offering can be summed up as ―you can borrow stuff you don’t
want to buy‖. Nine of them have a name beginning with ―rent‖.
Once money started changing hands in earnest, business really started booming. In 2011,
the same year Time magazine named the ―sharing society‖ one of theTen Ideas That Will
Change The World, AirBnB raised $$120m in VC funding. The company was mentioned in
Time’s piece, which still emphasised the feel- good backdrop to the story: ―There’s a green
element here, of course: sharing and renting more stuff means producing and wasting less
stuff, which is good for the planet and even better for one’s self-image.‖
While renting out a spare room in a flat (or even renting out a flat) may be close enough
to ―sharing‖ to be hair-splitting, it’s a different case for hiring a driver to take you across a
city. And yet Uber is one of the most famous examples of the sharing economy in the world –
and certainly the highest capitalised, worth well north of $$50bn.
The company’s defenders argue that it justifies that label because of the similarity to
AirBnB: Uber drivers have an asset lying unused, which they want to monetise with the
power of the internet. The difference, of course, is that an Uberdriver’s labour is an integral
part of the whole shebang. You aren’t renting their car: you’re renting their car and them.
If that’s still not clear-cut enough, consider TaskRabbit, the last member of the holy
trinity of the Sharing Economy. The company allows customers to hire temporary labour to
cook, clean, assemble furniture or queue for the latest iPhone. It’s a far cry from
―collaborative consumption‖.
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Instead, the companies lumped together as examples of the sharing economy have come
to be typified by something altogether different: a dependence on tenuous labour, particularly
that provided by individuals working as third- party contractors rather than full employees.
For that reason, I’ve been using another term to describe these companies: ―gig
economy‖. It’s not as well-known as ―sharing economy‖, which means it sounds weird to
some ears (―do you mean Uber only hires musicians?‖). But it emphasises the unifying aspect
is short-term, tenuous ―gigs‖ – often more than one juggled at the same time.
But there are other popular alternatives as well. In the US, ―1099 economy‖ is often
used, referring to the American tax code for independent contractors, while in the UK, similar
emphasis is placed on ―zero-hour contracts‖: terms of employment which provide no fixed
hours and don’t even guarantee work will be provided at all.
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Are those terms better term than ―gig economy‖? Is there a better phrase still? Let me
know in the comments below.

二、请将下列文章翻译成英文

恐怖主义是现代人类社会之癌

巴黎连环恐怖袭击事件震惊全球，相信全人类有基本正义感的力量都会予以谴责。

发 生在当地时间13日晚的恐怖袭击显然经过了认真策划和组织，巴黎有剧院、足球场
和一些餐馆同时成为 袭击目标。这是西方世界近年遭遇的最严重恐怖袭击，在全球范围内，
它也是一段时间以来发生在大城市 最具组织性和颇具杀伤力规模的恐袭事件。

“9·11”事件以来，恐怖主义消耗了人类的大 量精力，发达社会包括很多发展中社会
的反恐成本急剧增加。然而恐怖主义像癌细胞一样继续扩散，“基 地”组织被重创，更凶残
的极端组织IS却“应运而生”。西方世界陷入了隔一段时间就发生一起轰动性 恐袭的节奏，
在一些动荡的发展中国家，恐怖袭击成为极端反政府力量的日常斗争手段。中国新疆也有极
少数年轻人受极端主义蛊惑，走上暴力恐怖主义道路，使得新疆成为世界反恐的前沿之一。
< br>大中东的动荡和贫困国家仍是恐怖主义最活跃地区，也是它的最大扩散源。中东向外输
送的难民以 及经济移民把一些深层问题带进欧美社会，欧美一方面需要新移民，它们的社会
结构已不可能回到较为单 一的过去。但同时发达社会又对来自第三世界的新移民产生一些抵
触情绪，甚至有反移民的激进表现上演 。

欧美国家不断有激进分子跑到中东参加“圣战”，他们有些后来又回到欧美，成为危险的恐怖主义“病毒携带者”。欧美的恐袭活动很多时候已不像十几年前那样全都由中东恐怖
组织策划 并实施，恐袭者和恐袭组织的身份、性质趋于复杂化，防范起来更加困难。

由于全球化不可逆 ，社会的开放、自由也很难收紧，现代社会的运行方式与反恐机制天
然地南辕北辙。一个安全部门认定的 “高危”分子可以是完全自由的，时代保护了他们的权
利，也意味着社会为防范恐袭发生不断增加巨额成 本。

各国政府都在反恐问题上严防死守，但各国的态度加在一起却构成了对恐怖主义模糊且< br>充满争议的认识。地缘政治和意识形态在这当中扮演了离间各国的角色，有些国家只反对针
对本国 及盟国的恐怖主义，却对在竞争国家发生的恐怖主义态度暧昧，对恐怖分子的经济或
社会处境公开表示同 情。

IS能在中东快速崛起，这当中被普遍认为有美欧想利用它打击阿萨德政权的因素，美< br>国在是否剿灭IS或投入多大力量打击它的问题上三心二意。

不难看出，恐怖主义只要 善于利用大国的分歧，就不难找到有利于自己存活的事实上的
国际空间。而现代社会的广泛自由又为它们 间歇性实施突袭创造了条件。此外，恐怖主义会
在一些国家里得到反社会极端主义的呼应，一些仇视社会 的“独狼”也会造成类似恐袭的严
重损失。

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人类需要 把恐怖主义作为现代社会的“癌症”进行长期、坚决的打击。随着战争爆发的
几率越来越小，恐怖分子造 成的爆炸声和枪声很可能将是现代社会最具挑战的暴力回响。


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