邓稼先教案-拾金不昧的锦旗

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公共管理英语各单元全文翻译
Unit 1
Opening Administration to the Public
Citizens of Bengbu City, Anhui Province, now have the opportunity to
be a visitor at municipal(市政的) government meetings, thanks to the
government's recent efforts to open its administration-adopting the
Measures for Inviting Citizens to listen to the Administrative
Meeting, which (生效，实施)on December 16, 2001. 安徽省蚌埠市的群众现在
有机会
出席旁听市政府的召开的会议了，这主要是得益于市政府最近采用并制定的开
放
式行政管理的措施而邀请市民出席旁听政府的一些行政管理方面的会议。
Ten citizens are invited to be present at each meeting on
administrative affairs行政事务. The number of citizen listeners invited
to very important meeting can vary. The listeners can be deputies(代
表) to the city's people's congress, members of the local committee
of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, personages(要
人，名流) of democratic parties, members of the Association of
Industry and Commerce and others. They must be at least 18 years of age,
and willingly to be a visitor at the meeting.邀请出席每一次行政事务会议
旁
听的市民，受邀旁听市民的人数是根据会议的重要程度而定的。旁听者可能是
市
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人大代表、政协委员、民主党派成员、工商企业协会的成员和其他人士等等。
应
邀旁听人员必须年满18岁，并且愿意出席旁听。
Listeners can (通过??发表意见)the government office in a written
form.旁听者可以以书面的方式向政府的有关部门反映他们的意见。
Increasing Transparency增加透明度
On the basis of (饮水工程) carried out in some cities and countries,
Guangdong Province has asked its governments at or above county level to
open their administrative affairs during the first half of this year.在
一些城市和国家落实贯彻解决群众饮水的问题，广东省要求县以上的各级政府
在今年上半年里落实让群众旁听政府组织召开的行政事务会议的制度。
All affairs relating to laws and regulations and to administrative
decisions that people must follow, as long as they do not involve
secrets of the Party or the Central Government, should be open to the
public. Contents are as follows: 只要不涉及到党和政府的机密，所有要求老
百姓遵
照执行的法律法规、行政决定等事务性会议，都应该向老百姓公开。具体可以
公
开的会议如下:
--Strategy of social and economic development, work targets and
their accomplishment政绩
--Process for making big decisions and policies;
--Financial budgets财政预算 and implementation实施、实行
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--Distribution and use of special funds and the purchase of
important materials
--Major capital construction projects and their bidding;(重大资金
建设项目)
--Items of public welfare invested by the government;
--Projects examined and approved by the government and their
accomplishments;
--The accomplishments of work the government promised to do for the
public;
--Law enforcement in relation to the interests and rights of
citizens, legal persons and organizations;(与各种机构与法人、市民的利益
与权利相
关法律的颁布)
--Handling of major incidents;(重大事件的处理)
--Selecting and appointing officials, employing public servants and
appraising of model workers, transferring workers and staff members in
institutional reforms and other issues of public concern; 推选与委任政
府官员、录用公务员与评选先进人物，体制改革过程中人员的调动以及其他公
众
所关心的事件;
--Administrative functions and the official duties; 管理职能以及官
方的责任
--Working content, conditions, procedures and timetable as well as
the result;
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--Working principles, commitment and the way to 讼) activities, as
well as the investigation results of the cases.
Apart from opening administrative affairs to society, various
departments of the Guangdong Provincial Government have been required to
open their internal system construction, work operations and management,
specifically the self-discipline(自律) of officials; income and
expenditure of the department; management of human resources,
distribution of income to workers and staff members as well as their
welfare treatment; and other issues.
Knowing government administration is one of people's fundamental
rights, and the opening of administrative affairs is the obligation义
务、责任 of the government. The rule to open administrative
information has become an indispensable part in the government's
administration. In the meantime, opening government administration is
also a main principle of the WTO, listed on most of its documents. After
China's entry into the WTO, it was required to do better in this field.
China's transformation of government functions that of its economic
growth.
A fresh move, the opening of government administration still needs
improvement. Experts the state to place great importance on the issue by
setting up special department to handle related affairs, and devising
(制
定)a law on opening government administrations. 第一篇:开放式的公众
管理
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感谢政府日前的开放其行政管理的努力，邀请市民旁听行政会议的建议被采
纳并且在2001年12月16日得到落实，安徽省蚌埠市的公民现在有机会出席
参
加市政府会议。 十位公民受邀请参加出席了公众管理事务的每一次会议。受
邀
参加 这些重要会议的公民旁听者的数目是不同的。这些旁听者可以是市人民代
表大会的代表，中国人民政治协 商会议当地委员会的成员，民主党派人士，工商联
合会的成员和其他人员。他们必须年满18周岁并且愿 意出席此种会议。
这些旁听者可以以书面形式向市政府办公室提出自己的见解。
越来越高的透明度
在某些城市和乡村开展的飞行员计划的基础上，广东省要求县级及县级以 上政
府在今年前半年开放其行政事务的管理。
只要无关党和中央政府的国家机密，有关法律 、规章制度和要求所有人遵守的
行政决议的每一事务都应该向公众开放。具体如下:
-社会、经济发展、工作目标及其具体实施的策略;
-制定重大方针政策的程序;
-财政预算及其执行;
-特别基金和重要物资购买的分配和使用;
-主要建设工程的资本和招标;
-政府向公众的承诺及其执行实施;
-有关公民、法人和组织的利益及权利的法律执行;
-主要事件的处理情况;
-官员的选举和任命，人民公仆的任职和模范工人的评价，机构改革中工人和
职员的调任和其他公众关注 的内容;
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-行政功能和公务职责;
-工作内容、条件、程序、时间表以及结果;
-工作原则、承诺和对违背承诺的上诉以及案件的调查结果。
除了向社会开放行政管理事务 ，广东省政府的各个机构部门也被要求开放其内
部运作体系，工作的实施和管理，特别是官员的自律、机 构的收入和支出、人力资
源的管理、工人和职员收入的分配及其福利待遇和其他事务。
熟悉 政府的管理是公民的基本权利，开放其行政管理事务是政府的职责。开放
行政管理信息的规则已成为政府 管理中不可或缺的一部分。同时，被书写在大部分
的文件中的开放式行政管理也是WTO的主要规则。在 中国加入WTO之后，对这一领
域的要求也更高了。中国的政府职能的转换滞后于其经济增长。
作为一项新举措，开放式的政府行政管理还有待很大的提高。专家呼吁我们
应该并且给予特别重视来建立专门机构来处理相关事务，并且出台开放政府管
理
的相关法律。 Red-Title Document Open to the Public (红头文件(内参)
对老百姓开放)
At the end of last year, the Beijing municipal(市政的、地方的)
government, located on Zhengyilu Road, placed a reception desk at
the entrance of its west gate from Monday to Friday to receive citizens
who come to subscribe(捐款，签署)to the Beijing Municipal Government
Bulletin(公告，公报). Since the bulletin opened to the public in early
2002, the telephone at the editorial office has kept ringing. Many of
the calls come from Guangdong, Zhejiang, Heilongjiang (捐款程序).
The bulletin, which contains government regulations, administrative
orders and decisions, is popularly known as a
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is a mystery to most people, because it only reached leaders above
bureau(局) level in the past.
Wei Guiqin, director of the Beijing Huiyuan Law Office, is among the
first to subscribe to the bulletin.
bulletin helps us a lot in our job,
The governments of many other provinces and cities have also opened
their bulletins to the public, including Henan and Shanxi provinces, and
cities such as Guangzhou, Wuhan, Qingdao and Yinchuan. The government
bulletins公报 are functionally(职能上) the same as other official
documents.
Shanghai was the first city to open its bulletin to the public.
Since the beginning of last year, the bulletins have been sent not only
to major institutions and enterprises under the jurisdiction(权限) of
the
municipal government, but also to 100 selected newspaper and
magazine booths(售货亭), 50 postal zones and 50 Xinhua bookstores, where
citizens
can get them for free. The bulletins have attracted the attention of
many people, most of whom are lawyers and accountants. 对公众开放的红头
文件
在去年年末，坐落于正义路的北京市政府在其西门入口设置了一个接待处，
从周一到周五接待订阅了北京市政府公告的市民。从2002年早期政府公告向
公
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众开放以来，社论办公室的电话就不断响起。其中一部分来自于广东省、浙江
省、
黑龙江省和香港特别行政区，这些人来电咨询订阅手续。
作为被大众普遍认为是“红头文件”的政府公告，包括了政府规章制度、行
政命令和决议这些内容，对大多数人来说是很神秘的，因为在过去只有局级以
上
的干部才能接触到。 北京汇远法律事物所主任魏贵钦是首批订阅政府公告者
之
一。他说:“公告对公众的发行对
我们的工作不无裨益”。
许多其他省市的政府也对公众开放其公告，其中包括河南省、陕西省和广州
市、武汉市、青岛市和银川市。政府公告和其他政府文件在本质上是相同的。
上海是第一个对公众开放其政府公告的城市。从去年一开始，除了市政府管
理下的机构和企业，政府公告也在100个选出的报纸杂志销售亭、50个邮政区
和50个新华书店发放，市民可以免费索取。公告吸引了很多人的注意力，他
们
中大部分是律师和会计。
Five years ago, Huang Songji, a laid-off(下岗) female employee in
Nanjing, invested 50，000 yuan to set up a kindergarten. However,
she was soon asked to close down, as she failed to follow relevant
procedures. She sought assistance at the Supermarket of Administrative
Affairs, and with guidance by the staff, Huang quickly obtained all
necessary procedures.
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What is the Supermarket of Administrative Affairs and how effective
is it? The first supermarket was launched by the government of Xiaguan
District, Nanjing City, in the residential communities of Xiaoshi and
Rehenanlu(热河南路) on October 16, 2000. The government set up its
offices in a big hall to handle various administrative affairs,
including more than 40 services related to 国内事务, employment,
municipal
construction, economy, handling of complaints and 法律执行). It
indeed
has supermarket features of openness, efficiency and a variety of
choice, hence the name, Supermarket of Administrative Affairs. Five
other residential quarters followed suit a year later.
The supermarket practices实施 a responsibility system to solve
problems, and serve clients. In addition, supervision监督 and
feedback
procedures have also been adopted. The system, which enables
citizens to learn about government administrative affairs, contributes
to the government's efforts to open administrative affairs. Sun Wei, a

in the office drawer. Now they are placed on the wall, clearly
indicating problems and possible timelines for their solution.
Furthermore, the telephone number to contact in cases of complaint
against the behavior of
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public. Employees subject to customer complaints 收到顾客投诉达三次的雇
员are given three
chances, and penalties罚款 include criticism the first time, bonus
奖
金，红利 deduction the second time, and dismissal the third time.
Since district government powers have been transferred to the

by the residential community, such as the approval of small loans to
help the poor and victims of natural disasters; handling applications
for subsidies津贴，补助 if their living standards is below the poverty
line; granting licenses颁发许可证 to small restaurants; leasing
newspaper
booths and registering the unemployed. Apart from these services,
the 培训场所, a low
consultation
room and a suggestion box, as well as a telephone hotline to answer
questions. In addition, government leaders regularly visit the

Many citizens have expressed their satisfaction with the


between leaders and the masses. Surveys recently conducted in five
'supermarkets' indicated that citizens are satisfied with the measures,
said Xu Xueqin, who the publicity of the Xiaguan residential community.
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The
positive influence to the entire country. Similar supermarkets have
opened in Shenyang, Shanghai and Fuzhou.
The
Affairs, now has 80 branches in the entire city, offering more than 50
services. A civil affairs国内事务 official said that in the next three
years, every community and town would set up such a
form a network covering the entire area.
Media reports recently stated that relevant departments have planned
to set up a multi-functional and multi-level service system throughout
the country, which offers services on personnel matters, domicile
registration居民登记, matrimonial registration婚姻登记, enterprise
registration, tax payment, license 执照distribution and the approval
of
land utilization. Service centers and related ranches will be set up
in densely populated communities. Meanwhile, a standardized service
network and unified regulations will also be established, and related
workers (服
务人员佩戴的标牌)for the benefit of customers.
行政事务“超市”
五年前，黄松姬，一个南京的下岗女工，投资了50，000元建起了一个幼儿
园。但是不久，因为没有遵守相关的手续，她被要求关闭该幼儿园。于是她到
行
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政事务“超市”寻求援助，在相关工作人员的帮助指导下，黄松姬很快就获得
了
全部必须的手续。
什么是行政事务“超市”,它在多大范围内有效,第一个“超市”是南京 下官区
政府在2000年10月16日开办的，位于小市和热河南路的居住区内。政府在某一
个 大厅里建立了它的办公室来处理各种各样的行政事务，包括有关公民事务、招
聘、市政建设、经济、解决 牢骚、法律执行情况的40多项服务。它确实具备诸如
开办者、效率、多重选择这些超市的特征，因此得 名:行政事务“超市”。紧接着
的其他五个住宅区第二年也合适进行了。 这种超市把一种解决问题和服 务客户的
责任体系落到实处。此外，监督管理和反馈程序也被采纳。这个体系可以使公民了
解到 政府的行政管理事务，为政府开放其管理的努力做出了很大贡献。孙威，一个
“超市”工作人员，说在过 去政治是被锁在办公室的抽屉里的，现在它们则被张贴
到墙上，清晰地反映了问题以及解决问题的可能时 机。此外，如对“超市”工作职
员的行为不满而设的电话号码也是对公众开放的。遭到顾客抱怨的职员有 三次机
会，第一次批评和罚款，第二次扣除奖金，第三次解雇。
因为地区政府的权力被转移 到“超市”，服务项目和过去那些由居住区提供的
相比更加宽泛了许多，例如用于帮助贫民和自然灾害的 受灾者的小额贷款的批准、
生活水平低于贫困线的补助金的应用处理、小餐馆执照的发放、报亭的租借和 失业
者的登记等。除了这些服务以外，“超市”还设置了一个培训室、一个咨询室、一
个意见箱 和一部电话热线来回答问题。此外，政府领导人还会有规律地来参观“超
市”以个人身份和大众交流。 许多居民都表达了他们对于政府的便民“超市”的
服务满意。
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“它解决问题很快捷，并且拉近了领导和大众的心 理距离。目前在五个‘超
市’进行的调查表明了公众对于这一举措都感到非常满意。”负责下关居住区的 公
开事务的许雪琴说。
南京的这一行政便民“超市”服务对全国产生了非常积极的影响。沈 阳、上海
和福州都开办了类似的超市。
上海的“超市”，即小区事务中心，现在在全市有8 0个分支，提供50多种服
务。一位民政局的官员说在以后三年，每一个社区和城镇都要建立这样一个“ 超
市”来形成一个覆盖整个地区的“超市”网络。
目前的媒体报道说相关部门计划建立一个 辐射全国的多功能、多层次的服务系
统，可以提供许多服务诸如个人事件、住宿登记、结婚登记、企业登 记、税款
支付、执照发放和土地利用批准。服务中心和相关机构也将会在人口密集的社
区
建立。同时，为了顾客的利益，一个标准化的服务网络和统一的规章制度也会
建
立，相关的工作人员会佩带姓名标签。
电子政府
Placing government administrative affairs on the Internet appears to
be a growing world trend for governments working toward open
administration. Resources on government work available on the Internet
can he effectively utilized. Furthermore, this practice will enhance the
transparency of the government, reduce administrative expenses, improve
work efficiency and facilitate使更容易 the construction of a diligent
and honest government.
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China has a long way to go before it can develop an online
government. However, beginning in the mid-1980s when China first called
for office automation, up until 1998 when China began to develop e-
government project, it has promoted e-commerce in government departments,
using the Internet to release information, handling day- to-day office
business and offering
other services.
In recent years, China has rapidly developed the e-government. First,
departments of industry and commerce, customs and taxation税款, and
public security have taken the lead in accelerating the pace of e-
commerce development and implementation. Second, many government web
sites with increasingly rich content and sophisticated functions have
appeared. A recent survey stated that more than 2, 200 government web
sites currently exist in the entire country, and have played a major
role in driving the construction of the information industry.
A bilingual能说双语的 web site, Chinashanghai, in both English and
Chinese, was launched on September 28, 2001. It serves as a platform for
government information dissemination for the benefit of the citizens.
Chinashanghai 专门经营the establishment of an
home page, entitled Today's Events, provides information on major
activities and events, and reports on various hot topics of discussion.
Pages containing government bulletins, government documents, regulations
and other information have also been released. The Laws and Regulations
page introduces various rules and regulations, the Shanghai Brief page
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provides information on the latest development trends in the city, and
the Investment page offers information on the investment environment and
various investment policies, explaining the urban construction plan, the
development of the Pudong New Area, the development of development zones
and investment projects. The Services page, on the other hand, provides
information on topics more closely related to people's lives, such as
weather, transport, healthcare医疗卫生, education and tourism. This
page
also offers 对贫困群体的法律援助. The Business 清楚Guidance page
provides useful information on competent有能力的 institutions, as
well
as their addresses, contact details, procedures for handling certain
affairs, and channels for 在线事务办理主页 enables users to inquire on
certain items, and download online forms and applications.
Chinashanghai will also connect with its affiliated附属的 stations
to establish a better government network by the end of this year. In
addition, Shanghai plans to set up a large porta入口 within the next
five
years, which will be among China's first-class ones and match
international advanced level. By the end of the 10th Five-Year Plan
period (2001-05), all the government departments related to social
management and services will be on the network. “电子政府”
将政府行政事务展示在因特网上似乎是一个持续增长的世界趋势，对于开放
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式的管理的政府工作来说。在因特网上关于政府工作的可获得资源能得到有效
的
利用。而且，这项实践将提高政府的透明度，降低行政费用，提高工作效率，
促
进建设一个勤奋诚实的政府。
在有能力建立一个网上政府之前，中国还有很长的一段路要走 。但是，从20
世纪80年代中期开始中国开始提倡办公自动化，直到1998年中国开始发展电子政< br>府计划，利用因特网来发布信息、处理日常的办公事务和提供其他服务都促进了政
府部门中电子商 务的发展。
近些年来，中国迅速发展起了电子政府。首先，工业部、商业部、海关税收部
和 公共安全部在加速电子商务的发展和执行的步伐中起了领导作用。第二，出现了
许多内容日益丰富、功能 日益完善的政府网址。日前的一项调查显示了全国目前有
2200多个政府网址，在推进信息产业的建设 上起了举足轻重的作用。
中国上海，一个双语网址，英语和汉语，在2001年9月28日开办。出 于公民
的利益考虑，该网址为政府信息的发布提供了平台。
中国上海致力于建立一个“电子 政府”。它的本国网页上记载了今日事件，为
主要活动和事件提供信息，并且有各种各样热点话题讨论的 报道。网页内容包括了
政府公告，政府文件，规章制度，其他信息也会发布。法律和规章的页面上介绍了
各种规则和制度，上海摘要网页提供了城市最新发展潮流的信息 ，投资网页上提
供了关于投资 环境的信息和各种投资政策、介绍了市区建设计划、浦东新区的发
展、发展区的发展和投资计划。另一方 面，服务网页提供了关于更接近人们生活的
话题的信息，例如天气、交通、保健、教育和旅游。这一网页 也为弱势群体提供法
律援助。商业指导网页上提供了关于可胜任的机构的有用信息及他们的地址和联系< br>########################

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细节、解决某些问题的程序和处理诉讼的渠道。最 后，网上事务处理网页可以使用
户询问某些情况并且下载网上表格和应用软件。
今年年末， 中国上海也和其附属机构联系来建立一个更好的政府网络。此外，
上海计划在未来五年内建立一个宽敞的 入口，这样它将是中国第一等的政府网站之
一，并达到国际先进水平。在第10个五年计划(2001- 05)的末期，所有的和社会管
理和公众服务的政府部门都将会在因特网上出现。
Open Urban Planning
Over the past two years, Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin have made
public their city construction plan, a change from their former
closed-door working style. The procedures and timetable for the
examination and approval of projects, regulations and laws, and
technological indexes指数 in relation to the projects are now also
out in the open, much to the great enthusiasm of the citizens.
Last October, Beijing held an exhibition on the overall city
planning. During holidays and weekends, the 3000-square- meter hall
received about 1500 people each day.
citizens to be so interested in city planning,
of the Beijing Municipal City Planning Committee.
Many visitors filled thick suggestion books with feedback, providing
constructive ideas, such as building another world trade center in the
north; retaining保留 the lay-out展示 of the narrow alleys小巷 and the
courtyard homes; and informing citizens on city construction
projects on time. The exhibition organizers then sorted the suggestions
and delivered them to the decision-making departments.
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determination to promote the opening up of administration affairs, and
this is a significant development,
Zhou Chang, Secretary general of the China Architectural Society,
agreed.
greatly, as major decisions will go through the approval of experts, the
suggestions of citizens and the supervision监督 of the media,
Zhou.
Shan Qixiang, director of the Beijing Municipal City Planning
Committee, said the opinions of both experts and the masses will be
pooled together把??汇聚在一起 before a decision on any important plans
for
urban construction are reached.
(Source: The article was written by Wu Cong Wen, Beijing Review, May
30, 2002) 开放城市计划
在过去的两年内，北京、上海和天津制定公布了它们的城市建设计划，和他
们以往不公开的工作方式不同。工程检验和批准的程序和时间表、法律和规章
制
度、有关计划的科技索引现在也同样公诸于世，引起了市民的极大热情。
去年十月，北京举 行了一个关于所有城市计划的展览。在假日和周末期间，
3000平方米的展览大厅每天要接待大约15 00名参观者。“我们没有料到有如此多
的市民对城市计划如此感兴趣。”北京市城市计划委员会成员邱 悦说。
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许多参观者在厚厚的建议簿上写满了他们的反馈， 提供建设性的创意，例如在
北部建另外一座世界贸易中心、保留狭窄小巷和庭院式住宅的规划、及时通知 市民
城市建设计划。然后展览组织者把这些建议分类并且送到了决议制定部门。
“将城市计 划面向大众显示了政府促进开放式行政管理的果断决心，这是一个
重大的进步。”一个参观者说。 < br>周畅，中国建筑协会的总会长，赞同以上说法。“开放城市计划进程可以极大
地改善事态，因为主 要的决定将接受专家的正式批准、市民的建议和媒体的监
督。”他说。
单奇翔，北京市城市 计划委员会主任，说专家和公众的看法在每一个关于城市
建设的重要计划达成一致以前都将汇集起来。
Unit 2
Why Public Management Reform?
Public management reform is usually thought of as a means to an end,
not an end . To be more precise we should perhaps say that it
potentially a means to multiple ends. These include making saving
(economies) in public expenditure, improving the quality if public
services,
making the operation of government more efficient and increasing the
chances that the policies which are chosen and implemented will be
effective. On the way to achieving these important objectives, public
management reform may also serve a number of intermediate ends,
including those of strengthening the control of politicians over the
bureaucracy官僚作风机构, public officials bureaucratic constrains官僚
式
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约束 which inhibit限制 their opportunities to manage and enhance the
government's accountability有责任 to the legislature立法机构 and th
e citizenry市民 for its policies and programs. Last but not least最
后, one should mention the symbolic and legitimacy合法，合理
benefits
of management reform. For politicians these benefits consist partly
of being seem to be doing something. Announcing reforms, criticizing
bureaucracy, praising new management techniques, promising improved
services for the future, 改组部门 and agencies-all these activities he
lp to attract favorable attention to the politicians who espouse信奉
them. A cynic愤世嫉俗者 might observe that, in these days when the
power of individual governments to act independently is increasingly
called into questions by a complex interplay相互影响 of local, natio
nal and international constrains, the one thing that ministers
usually can do--with the appearance of dynamism but at little immediate
直接的 cost --is to announce changes in their own machinery of
governance. 公共管理改革通常被认为是一个结束的方式，并不是它本身要结束。
更准确地说，也许我们应该说潜在地它是多样化结束的一个方式。这些包括节
省
公众支出、提高公共服务质量、使政府运作更加高效、增加被选择和被执行的
政
策会有效的机遇。在实现这些重要目标的征途上，公共管理改革也许会帮助实
现
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许多中间的结果，包括那些增强政治家对于官僚机构的控制管理、从官僚制度
的
抑制中解除公共官员，由于政策和纲要这种约束抑制了他们管理和增强政府对
于
立法机关和市民的责任的机会。最后，应该提一下管理改革的象征性的和合法
的
利益。对于政治家来说，这些利益部分地由好象做点什么事情组成。宣布改
革、
责备官僚作风、赞扬新的管理方式、允诺为将来的改良的服务、调整部门和机
构。
对于支持这些的政治家来说，所有这些活动都有益于吸引赞扬的目光。一个愤
世
嫉俗的人也许会注意到在那些当个人独裁政府的权力显示出独立姿态的日子
里，
问题总是被一个由当地的、国家的和国际的约束组成的并且相互影响的复杂体
不
断持续地创造出来。大臣们通常能做的一件事情是用他们自己的国家管辖机
器，
以物力论的姿态但极少的直接成本来宣布变革。
There are also legitimacy benefits for those senior officials who,
almost invariably不变地, shaping and implementing such initiatives
革新. They may gain in reputation by association with
使简化对于那些几乎总是在对于主动的整修
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和执行中起着重要作用的高级官员来说也有其合法的利益。通过和“现代化
的”
和“流线型的”活动相结合，他们可能得到名望。
If management reform really does produce 约型、高效的 government,
with higher-quality services and more effective programs, and if it
will simultaneously同时地 enhance political control, free丰富的 manag
ers to manage, make government more transparent and boost推进 the im
ages of those ministers and mandarins普通话 most involved, then it i
s little wonder that it has been widely trumpeted庆祝，祝贺.
Unfortun
ately, however, matters are not so simple. There is a good deal of
evidence to how that management reforms can go wrong. They may produce
the claimed需要的 benefits. They may even generate perverse不正当的
effects that render表现出 the relevant administrative progresses
worse (in some important senses) than they were previously. When a local
authority
disabled people is reshaped改造，再形成 along 准市场机制, with a split
口子
between the authority purchasing the service and the providing it,
we
may consider this a typical
that the contract合同 for the service is 700 pages long and that the
actual service provided seems to have changed very little in either
quality or quantity, then doubt sets in. we wonder if more trust between
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the parties concerned might not be a more efficient option选择. ena
bling a much shorter contract (or no contract at all) and radically
根本上 reduced monitoring costs. 如果公共管理改革真的能产生一个更低价
的、更高效的政府，拥有高质量的服务和更加有效的计划，并且如果它同时地
能
增强政治控制力、让自由的管理者来管理，使政府更加透明并且提高那些有关
乎
大臣们和官吏们的形象，这样的话大肆吹捧还没有什么疑问。但是，不幸地
是，
事情没有那么简单。 有大量的证据可以说明管理改革是怎么样变质的。也许
他
们没有得到所要求的利益。他们甚至可能有不正当的努力来给予相关的管理进
步
补偿(更重要的)，比他们以前更加可恶。当一位当地的权威人士为老人和残疾
人顺着类似的市场条文，采用新方针照顾本地而服务时，该权威在购买服务和
提
供服务之间出现了裂痕。我们可以认为这是一种典型的“改革”。但是，当我
们
发现为该服务开出的契约有700页之长然而实际提供的服务看起来在质量上和
数量上改变微乎其微时，我们的疑虑会越来越多。我们会想知
道是否有关的在党派之间的更多的信任是一个更加有效的选择。采用一个简
短很多的契约(或者根本不用什么契约)和根本上来说减轻的控制才会物有所
值。
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Furthermore, even if a particular reform clearly
respect of one or two of the objectives mentioned above (savings, say,
and improvement in quality) it is unlikely that it will succeed in all.
Indeed, we shall argue later that certain trade-offs换位 and dile
mmas进退两难的局面 are exceedingly非常地 common in administrative
ch
ange, so that the achievement of one or two particular ends might
well be
over specialized decision makers in a bureaucracy对于决策者的官僚作风的
有关规定 is maintained by selective crackdowns打击 衡--without ever
acknowledging that tightening up on one criterion implies slackening
off放慢、减缓 on another
to more effective political supervision and control, can we
simultaneously gift them greater freedom and flexibility to manage? The
optimists will say yes, by laying down a clearer, simpler framework of
rules within which managers can
pointing to survey evidence that the managers themselves think that
political
such
as social security, health care, education or the prison service. 此
外，即使一项很特殊的关于一个或两个上面提到过的目标的(储蓄、发言权和
质
量的提高)改革很明显地“成功了”，它也未必会全部成功。确实，稍后我们
会
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争论在管理上的变化上某些交易和困难抉择是非常普遍的，所以从其他方面而
言，一个或者两个特别结果的取得对于一个较低的成绩来说是很值得的。“在
官
僚机构中统治特殊决定制订者的规则是靠有选择地打击镇压某段时间的某个目
标来维持的，操纵平衡而不必承认在某标准上很紧绷但在另外一个很松弛”。
例
如，如果我们在更加有效的政治监督和控制上受公仆的影响，我们能同时给予
他
们管理上更大的自由和弹性吗,乐天派会点头称是，他们会放弃一个更加清晰
和
简单的规则框架，尽管在该框架内管理者能更加有创造力。怀疑论持有者会大
摇
其头，指出这样的调查证据，管理者他们自己会认为在政治上的敏感操作诸如
社
会安全、健康保健、教育和监狱服务可以撒手不管。 In any case, public
ma
nagement reform is only one way to achieve most of the desirable
ends
identified in the first paragraph. To be adequate, any description
of its nature will need to take into account that governmental
performance can be improved by a variety of routes and that management
reform is frequently undertaken in conjunction with other types of
policy initiative. Comparing administrative developments in a number of
countries one academic observed recently:
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subject of all policy performance, not a separable set of technical
efforts无论如何，公共管理改革是能取得大多数那些在第一段提到的令人满意
的结果的唯一途径。恰当地说，任何理由都应该考虑在内，通过一系列线路，
政
府的表现能够提高，管理改革频繁地承诺和其他种类的主动政策结合在一起。
对
于在许多国家中比较的行政管理的发展，目前某一理论这样评论道“管理改
革，
是所有政策执行的主题，而不是一套可分的技术成就”。
Other routes to improved government performance include political
reforms (such as changes in electoral systems or legislative
procedures) and substantive changes in key policies (such as new
macroeconomics management policies, labor market reforms or fundamental
changes in social policy). The example of New Zealand--which combined
management reforms with fundamental changes in both macroeconomic
policies and, later, the electoral system--was alluded to in our
introduction. 其他的可提高政府表现的线路包括政治改革(例如选举体系或立法
程序中的变
化)和关键政策上的实质性变革(例如宏观经济学管理政策、劳动市场改革或社
会政策上的基本变革)。正如在我们的介绍中间接提到的新西兰的例子一样，
管
理改革
和两方面的基本变化结合在了一起:整体经济政策和其后的选举制度。
To make matters more complicated still, there is, as commentators
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have noticed, a delay which affects a good deal of public management
reform. The full benefits of major changes in the processes and
structures of public agencies normally cannot be harvested until three,
four, five or even more years after a reform programs has been launched.
To begin with, new legislation might formulate and refine new operating
procedures, train staff how to work with them, define new roles
and the appropriate , set new measurement systems in place, inform
service users and other stakeholders赌金保管者, and work hard to redu
ce the anxiety all novelties have probably caused, both among users
and among staff. But this is not the kind of timescale that most senior
politicians are comfortable with. Their focus is more intensely short-
term: on the next election, the next government reshuffle改组, or
even today's television news. The searchlight of political attention
moves about from one issue to another much more quickly than complex
organizational change can be accomplished between the politician's
need for ' something to show now' and the organization reform's need for
time, commitment承诺 and continuity has probably grown the general
intensification and acceleration of political process in many western
democracies. 正如讲解员注意到的那样，使问题变的更加扑朔迷离的是，延
期极大地影响了公共管理改革。公共代理的过程和结构中的主要变化带来的全
部
利益正常而言是无法获得的，直到一次改革过程开始后的三年、四年、五年或
者
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更长时间。首先，新的立法是迫切需要的，然后很必要地需要分析情形，随后
需
要设计、阐明、精炼新的操作程序，训练员工如何与其工作，详细说明新的角
色、
适当的酬劳和评估体系，地域上制订新的测量体系，通知服务使用者和其他赌
金
保管者，然后努力减少所有新奇可能引起的焦虑不安，不管是使用者还是员
工。
但是这个并不是最顶级的政治家认可的那种时间进度表。他们的焦点更加热情
地
停留在短期上面:在下一届选举、下一任政府改组或者是今天的电视新闻。在
西
方的民主政治中，由于一般政治进程的激烈度和加速度变化的结果，政治关注
的
探照灯从一件事情转移到另一件的速度比不同的政治家之间需要某物来显示现
在的和组织改革的对时间、许诺和连续性很可能的增长的需要的需求之间复杂
的
组织变化能达到的程度快多了。
Unit 3
Reform of the Administration and
Local Public Services: Introduction
Since the 1980s, a strong movement for the reform and modernization
of public administrations has been developing. Decentralization分
权化 and liberalization自由化-- allowing market forces to operate in
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the provision of public services—constitute two significant thrusts
冲击 of these reforms. An analysis of developments in France and
Spain clearly illustrate
in those regions--. Although no doubts about this diagnosis诊断
decentralization has fundamentally been a national choice, and even
a
choice of the Constitution in Spain, the liberalization of public
services has been linked to Community integration and to the process of
opening up markets that it has brought about.
The modernization of local management has not always conformed to
a consistent, global plan but rather to impetuses推动力，刺激 arisin
g from the 长期的压力 between the instability of local tax revenue年
财政收入 and the growing demands on municipal services. Yet in the
United Kingdom, a considerable continuity of concept has been evident
since the late 1970s, aimed at introducing a 'new kind of public
management' inspired by the practices of private enterprise, which is
incr
easingly distancing the British Civil Service from the great
principles on which it had been founded since the mid-19th century.
Yet decentralization presupposed a strong revival复兴，恢复 of lo
cal democracy and the local government representatives that it
produced quickly assumed their new responsibilities. The consolidation
联
合，统一 of local autonomy自治( 权)--or of free administration-assu
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med that real public policies would be put in place in many and
varied fields (social services, economic development, culture,
infrastructure基础设施 and town planning and environmental protection).
Thus, the general jurisdiction司法权，裁判权 clause gradually became
establi
shed in the three countries, although it was recognized by law in
the
United Kingdom only by the Local Government Act 2000. This principle
constitutes the foundation of the creation of services not provided
for by law. It forms the basis of innovation创新，革新 and local resp
onsiveness回应 to the collective needs and demands of the citizens.
The local area of action is gradually tending to expand although it is
accompanied by a growing integration of spheres of competeventional
practices and of the development of joint organizations or
organizations common to different local authorities on the same level or
on different levels.
Yet the starting points were very different in France and Spain, on
the one hand, and in the United Kingdom, on the other. While in France
and Spain decentralization meant the transfer of new spheres of
competence to the local authorities and greater freedoms to exercise
them, in the United Kingdom the development of the welfare state
occurred at local authority level and through the local public sector,
which thus gradually came under the increasingly tight control of the
central authority. The reforms of the 1980s and those of the Blair
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Government are not at odds争议，争吵 here. The modernization of public
m
anagement occurred through the aforementioned change of paradigm and
it actually takes the form of new losses for the local authorities地
方政府: on the one hand, through an increased control of the central
authority中央政府 over certain public policy areas (e. g. education,
ceilings上限placed on the taxation of local authorities deemed too
extravagant) and, on the other, through the privatization of local
public services. In addition, the new management and performance绩效，
成就 standards are accompanied by the emergence出现 of new forms of
control. the decentralization movement, the liberalization of
national public services, accompanied by the new European law on public
works contracts, strengthened the place of competition in the provision
of local public services. The advance of both movements presupposed an
increase in the freedom of local authorities to choose the type of
local service management. In principle, the law does not lay down
private or delegated management. However, it has greatly extended the
obligation to allow market forces to operate if delegation is chosen. In
this context, analysis of the local public services law in France
and Spain shows the scope and reality of the reforms. Examination of
these two systems is particularly relevant as recourse to private ma
nagement, to the contractual delegation of public services, is
inherent in their tradition. Such private management often presupposed
the private funding of the service and even of the necessary
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infrastructure-a management by private firms that leads to a commercial
approach to the provision of the service. Marketing of the management,
therefore, by means of recourse to an organization governed by private
law, although set up by the local authorities. Local public corporations
have a very flexible statute, particularly in Spanish law, in which
wholly local public capital companies have, for a long time, been
established by legislation. Institutions governed by private law,
managed according to managerial systems (including accounting) in which
the employees the ordinary workers' statute条例，法令. These new
standards
are perceived as a reduction in local autonomy with respect to the
choice of management method.
20世纪80年代以来，公共管理的改革和现代化运动一直在强有力地发展着。
地区分权和自由化——允许市场力量进入公共服务领域——构成了改革的两个
重要方面。对法国和西班牙发展的一项分析清楚地表明了这股潮流，尽管各地
速
度和侧重点不同，英国更倾向于地方分权。某些地区把权力转交给地方当局的
趋
势有所减退，然而，这并不能引起任何对当地改革的分析的疑点。尽管地区分
权
已经基本上为整个国家所接受，甚至包西班牙宪法，但是公共服务的地区分权
则
和社区统一以及它所引起的市场开放联系在一起。
地区管理的现代化并不总是起因于一个一致的全球性计划，而是起因于地区
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税收的不稳定和不断增长的对都市服务的需求之间矛盾这一动力。然而，英国
自
20世纪70年代以来一直明显地表现出其概念的持续发展，目的就在于介绍一
种
由 私营企业带来的新的公共管理方法。这种方法使得英国国民服务不断地远离
它自19世纪中期开始就依赖 的原则。
地区分权预示着它将很快引起地区民主和政府代表们的复活，这一复活表示他
们将 有更多新的责任。巩固地区民主——或者说是自由管理——就意味着真正的公
共政策将会在许多不同的领 域里发挥作用(这些领域包括社会服务，经济发展，文
化，基础设施，城建计划和环境保护等)。由此， 这三个国家将逐渐地建立司法条
款，尽管在英国只能依据地区政府条例2000由法律来组织。这条原则 构成了不依
法律为据的服务革新的基础。它是地区创新和对市民的集体要求和需要的满足的根
基 。实施的地域面积在扩大，尽管伴随着的是权限范围的不断综合。传统管理方法
有力崛起，合资企业和地 方当局负责的企业快速发展(这些企业处于相同或不同级
别)，不同法案相互依赖正是建立在这个基础之 上的。
法国和西班牙改革的出发点与英国的是有很大区别的。法国和西班牙的地区分
权是把 权限的新范围转交给地方当局，并给予实施权力的更大的自由。在英国，地
方当局通过公共服务部门管理 着福利。如此以来，地方部门逐渐地受辖于不断加强
控制的中央政权。那么，
20世纪80 年代的改革和布莱尔政府的改革就不足为怪了。公共管理的现代化
通过上述变化而存在。它表现于地方当 局的损失:一方面，中央政权对某些公共政
策领域不断加强控制(例如，在教育领域，地方当局的税收注 定会是没有节制的)，
另一方面，地区公共服务私有化。此外，伴随着新的管理和实施标准，出现了新的
控制方式。
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国民公共服务的自由化以新欧洲公共工作合同法为 后盾，加强了地区公共服务
的竞争地位。两个运动的发展给予地方当局更多选择本地服务管理的机会。原 则上
说，法律没有规定私人管理还是委权管理。然而，如果选择委权，那么就更
应该允许市场 来调节了。在本文中，对法国和西班牙地区公共服务法律的分析
显示了改革的范围和现实性。对两个系统 的检测结果对私人管理更有利，对公共服
务契约性代表团更有力，是其传统中内在的属性。这样的私人管 理往往预示着个人
付费才能得到服务，甚至是为了得到必要的基础设施的服务——这是以商业目的提供服务的私营企业的一种管理方法。因此，对管理的市场调节依赖于某个组织，这
个组织是由私法来 统治的，尽管是由地方当局设立。地区公共服务集团有个非常易
变的成文法，尤其在西班牙法律中。西班 牙法律体系中，私法很久以前就设立了全
部属于地区公共资产的公司,。私法所统治的组织机构根据操作 系统来实施。操作
系统包括会计学，其中雇员遵从于普通工人法。这些新的标准削弱了地区选择管理方法的自主权力。
Unit 4
State and Market
1 1(Creating the Conditions for Private Sector Development私营企
业发展为私营企
业的发展创造条件。 带动?发展 the entire economy，the biggest factor
in reducing poverty(But to do so they need a sound investment cli
mate-with good macroeconomic整体经济 management，trade and
investment
policies that promote openness，and good-quality infrastructure基础
设施and services(合法调整的system that supports the day-to-day oper
ations of firms by protecting property rights由保护财产权方式来支撑
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公司的日常运转，promoting access to credit提升信誉，and ensuring
efficient tax, customs, and judicial services(法律服务)确保有效的进出口
税收和法律服务(私营企业可以创造新的工作机会，带动整个经济的增长，这
正
是削减贫困的最大因素。要做到这些，必须要有一个良好的投资环境——良好
的
宏观经济的管理、贸易和投资政策以促进对
外开放，提供高质量的基础设施和服务。同时，也需要一个法律规章体系，
保护财产所有权，提高信贷能力，保障有效的税收、关税和司法服务，支持企
业
的日常运行。
Investment in infrastructure ----whether in power，transport，
housing, telecommunications电讯，or water and sanitation卫生设施----
enables businesses to grow. And when private firms infrastructure, bring
ing with them capital资金 and know-how(知识)技术诀窍, they can impr
ove access to basic infrastructure services, a key to reducing
poverty. In developing countries private firms participate mainly in
telecommunications and energy. From l996 to 2001 investment in
telecommunications projects with private participation totaled about
$$ 60 billion资金投入高达600亿美元 in Brazil and more than $$17 billion
in the . Investment in energy projects with private participation in the
l990s increased dramatically in Brazil(from $$ 0(6 billion in 1990-95 to
$$4
2 billion in l996-2001), Peru(from $$1.2 billion to $$ 2.8 billion)(an
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d in Turkey ($$ 2.5 billion to $$ 4.8 billion). 对基础设施的投资——不
管是能源上，交通上，房产上，电信上，还是水利和卫生事业上——可以激活
商
业的发展。若是私营企业参与基础设施建设，投入资产和设计，那么就可以改
进
利用基础设施服务的渠道，这是削减贫困的关键。在发展中国家中，私营企业
主
要参与电信和能源方面的设施建设。自1996年至2001年，巴西的私营企业在
电
信工程方面的投资总达六百亿美元，而朝鲜共和国的也多达一百七十亿美元。
2
0世纪90年代，巴西的私营企业在能源工程方面的投资急剧增长(从1990至1
995年的6亿美元到1996-2001年的420亿美元，而秘鲁的也从12亿美元增长
到28亿美元)，土耳其从25亿美元增长到48亿美元。
Telecommunications has received the largest share of investment in
projects with private participation (44 percent of the total in l990-
2001), with water and sanitation私人参与通讯工程(1990-2001年占总投
入的44%)、水利工程和医疗卫生设施建设的投入已经占有很大比例，consider
ed a “basic needs” sector部门, receiving only a small fraction部
分
(5 percent). Private participation in infrastructure was initially最
初 concentrated in a few countries, with the top 10 accounting for
98
percent of investment in l990, but by 2001 their share份额 had fall
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en to 67 percent. Private participation in infrastructure has many
of
the same advantages and risks as public investment financed筹措资金
though foreign borrowing. 私营企业对建设工程的投资中，电信工程占有最
大的份额(在1990至2001年之间占总额的44%)，而被认为是“基础需要”设
施的水利和卫生事业仅占很小一部分(5%)。私营企业投资于基础设施起初
只集中在少数的几个国家里，1990年前十名占有投资的98%，但是到2001
年，
他们的占有额下降到67%。私营企业对基础设施的投资有很多优势和风险，与
国
家通过外债来投资的优势和风险相同。
Part of what determines the business environment in a country一
个国家经商环境决定 is the regulation管制 of new entry. Countries dif
fer significantly in the obstacles they impose on the entry of new
businesses. To meet government requirements for starting a business in
Mozambique为了满足政府在莫桑比克创办一家公司的需求，for instance, ent
repreneurs企业家 must complete l6 procedures，a process that takes
an
average of 214 business days and costs the equivalent of 74 percent
of gross national income (GNI国民收入总值) per capita每个项目审批就
需要214天时间，并且要花费相当于该项目国民总收入的74%(In Italy they
must complete l3 procedures，wait 62 business days on average，and
pa
y 23 percent of GNI per capita(But Canada requires only 2 procedures,
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and the process takes only two days and costs about l percent of GNI
per capita.
境。不同的国家，新商业进入市场所遇到的障碍是大不相同的。比如，在莫
桑比克，要创立一项商业，创业者必须完成16个程序才能符合政府的要求。
这
个过程平均花费214个工作日，耗费等同于人均国民收入的74%。在意大利要
求
13个手续，62个工作日，人均国民收入的3%。但在加拿大只需2个手续，2
个
工作日，人均国民收入的1%。
The case for creating a good investment climate is simple:an eco
nomy needs a predictable 可预见的environment in which people, ideas,
and money can work together productively and efficiently. 创造一个良
好的投资环境很简单:经济需要一个可预测的环境，在其中，人、人的思想和
金
钱可以有效地合作。
Countries should focus on improving the investment climate for do
mestic entrepreneurs虽然各国政府应该集中精力为国内企业家改善投资环境,
but a better investment climate will also attract foreign investors.
And countries that receive more foreign investment—an important
conduit(渠道) for new technologies, management experience, and access to
markets—enjoy faster growth and greater poverty reduction. 政府应
当集中力量为国内企业家改善投资环境，而一个好的投资环境也将吸引国外投
资
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者。能吸引更多国外投资者的国家——国外投资者是
引进新的技术、管理经验和市场的重要途径——可以更快地发展，在更大程
度上削减贫困。
External perceptions感觉 of the investment climate are reflected
in risk ratings. While risk ratings do not always capture the actual
situation or specific investment opportunities in a country, they ar
e a reality that policy- makers face. Among such ratings are the Euro
money欧洲货币 creditworthiness信誉 ratings, which rank the risk of i
nvesting in an economy from 0 (high risk) to 100 (low risk).
Countries with high risk(such as Kenya (36) and Haiti海地 (24)，have
very lo
w foreign direct investment (0.4 percent of gross capital formation
for Kenya and 0.3 percent for Haiti). By contrast, countries with low
perceived risk, such as Chile (65) and the Czech Republic (66), have
much higher levels of foreign direct investment (about 33 percent for
Chile and 29 percent for the Czech Republic;table 5.2). Countries w
ith low risk ratings also have large stock markets relative to gross
domestic product (GDP). Market capitalization is about 85 percent of GDP
in Chile, 102 percent in Australia, 135 percent in Malaysia, 137 percent
in Singapore, and l58 percent in Finland. 投资环境的客观洞察
力反映在风险系数上。风险系数并不总是针对一个国家的真实情况或具体投资
机
会，却是制定政策者要面对的一个现实。欧元的不同汇率就在这些风险之列，
其
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风险系数在0(高风险)到100(低风险)之间摆动。在高风险的国家，如肯尼
亚(36)和海地(24)，很少有外国直接投资(占肯尼亚国内收入的0.4%，海
地的0.3%)。相反，低风险的国家，如智利(65)和捷克(66)，则有更高水
平的国外直接投资(智利大约33%，捷克大约29%)。与国内生产总值相对应，
低风险的国家也有大的证券市场。在智利，市场资本化约是国内生产总值的
85%，
澳大利亚是102%，马来西亚是135%，新加坡是137%，芬兰是158%。
2(Designing Public Sector公共部门 Policies to Enhance Private Ac
tivity制定公有制政策，加强私有企业作用
The public sector’s main economic functions three broad
categories:making policy, delivering services, and providing oversight
疏忽，
监督 and accountability. As global competition has increased in the
past two decades, the governments of many developing countries have
shifted their focus from trying to preserve jobs in a stagnant public
sector to creating jobs in a vibrant充满活力的，活跃的 private sector.
Governments are now in the business of designing and implementing
good policies and strong institutions that enhance the business and
investment climate. 公有制部门的主要经济作用包括三个方面，即制定政策，提
供服务，监督责任。过
去的二十年里，随国际竞争日益剧烈，许多发展中国家的政策都转移了侧重
点，保留萧条的公有制单位的工作职位，以在动摇不定的私营部门中创造工作
机
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会。政府正忙着设计和促进好的政策和健全的机构设施，改善商业和投资环
境。
Government functions and policies affect many areas of social and
economic life:health and education, natural resources and
environmental protection，fiscal and monetary stability，and flows of
trade(D
ata related to these topics are presented in the respective sections.
This section provides data on key public sector activities:tax poli
cy, exchange rates, and defense expenditures. 政府功能和政策影响到社
会生活和经济生活的多个领域:健康，教育，自然资源，环境保护，财政和金
融
稳定，以及贸易等等。与上述话题相关的数据在各个部门有所显示。这部分给
出
了主要公有制部门的活动的数据:税收政策，汇率和防护费用。
Taxes are the main source of revenue for many governments. They are
levied征税 mainly on income, profits, capital gains，goods and ser
vices, and exports and imports. (Non-tax revenue is also important
in
some economies) A comparison of taxation levels across countries
provides an overview of the fiscal obligations and incentives facing the
private sector. Central government tax revenues (excluding state and
local taxes) range from about 3 percent of GDP in Kuwait and 7
percent in Bangladesh to 35 percent in Austria and 36 percent in
Slovenia.
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税收是许多政府开支的主要源泉。征集的税源主要在于收入，利润，资产收
入，
商品和服务，出口和进口(无税对某些国家也是重要的)。通过几个国家税收水
平的比较，可以看到私营企业的财政责任和动力。在科威特，中央政府的税收
(除
了国家和地区财税)是国内生产总值的3%，孟加拉共和国是7%，奥地利是
35%，
斯洛文尼亚为36%。
The level and progressivity进步 of taxes on personal and corpora
te income influence incentives激励，刺激 to work and invest.
Marginal
tax rates on individual income range from o percent (in countries
such as Kuwait, Oman, Paraguay, the United Arab Emirates, and Uruguay)
to 50 percent or more (in Such countries as Austria, Belgium, the
Democratic Republic of Congo, Denmark, the Islamic Republic of Iran，and
Senegal塞内加尔). Most marginal tax rates on corporate income(边远地
区公司收入的的税收率) are in the 20-30 percent range. 个人和企业所得
税的水平和进步会影响到工作和投资的积极性。个人所得税的税率有高有低，
可
能是零(在诸如科威特、阿曼、巴拉圭、阿联酋和乌拉圭等国家里)，也可能是
50%或更多(如
奥地利、比利时、刚果民主共和国、丹麦、伊朗和塞内加尔等)。对公司集
团征收的绝大多数边缘税率在20%到30%之间。
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3 3(Tapping the Benefits of Infrastructure, Information, and
Telecommunications开发利
用基础设施、信息和电信等资源
High-quality infrastructure and other business services help
determine the success of manufacturing and agricultural businesses.
Investments in water, sanitation, energy, housing, and transport improve
health and education and help reduce poverty(And new information and
communications technologies offer vast opportunities for economic
growth，improved health, better service delivery, learning through
distance education，and social and cultural advances. 高质量的基础设施和
其
他商业服务有助于制造业和农业的成功。在水利、财政、能源、房产和运输领
域
的投资有利于健康、教育事业的发展以及削减贫困。新的信息和交流技术为经
济
增长、健康事业、传送服务、远程教育以及社会和文化进步等提供了大好时
机。
Until the l 990s public sector monopolies垄断 in most developing
countries financed and operated the infrastructure, often with poor
results. Technical inefficiencies in roads, power, water, and railways
caused losses of $$ 55 billion a year in the early l990s—about l pe
rcent of all developing countries’ GDP. But beginning in the late
l980s countries around the world had begun turning to the private sector
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民营部门, both to take over the operation of existing infrastructure and
to finance new infrastructure(In l990-2001 infrastructure proj
ects with private participation in developing countries attracted
more than $$ 750 billion in investment(直到20世纪90年代，绝大多数发展中
国家的公有制经济，资助并操纵着基础设施，往往使其收效微薄。公路、能
量、
水利和铁路领域的技术利用效率差。在20世纪90年代是，一年里就损失550
亿美元，大约是所有发展中国家国内生产总值的1%。但是，20世纪80年代后
开
始，世界上各个国家开始转向私营企业，使其接管已有设施的运作，并且投资
建
设新的设施。1990至2001年间，发展中国家里私营企业参与建设的设施工程
吸
引了多于7.5亿美元的投资。
Efficient transport is critical to the development of competitive
economies，but measuring progress in transport is difficult. Data
for most transport sectors are often not strictly comparable across
countries that do not consistently follow common definitions and
specifications. Moreover, the data do not indicate the quality and level
of service, which depend on such factors as maintenance budgets, the
availability of trained personnel, geographic and climatic conditions,
and incentives and competition to provide the best service at the lowest
cost. 高效的交通对于竞争激烈的经济的发展很关键，但是衡量交通的发展
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进程是困难的。国家之间对交通没有一致的定义和规定，严格地说，绝大多数
交
通部门的数据不具有可比性。再者，数据并不能显示
出其服务的质量和水平，而要看以下因素，如维修费、经过培训的人力资源、
地理和气候条件，以及动机和竞争力，力求以最低的价格提供最好的服务。
About 43 percent of the world’s roads are paved，but the share r
anges from only about l6 percent in low-income economies to 92
percen
t in high-income economies. Sub-Saharan Africa scores the lowest
among regions，with only about l3 percent of roads paved，while
developin
g countries in Europe and Central Asia, with 91 percent，are almost
o
n a par with high- income economies. 世界上大约43%的大路被铺过，但是
其
份额差距很大，在低收入国家只有16%，而高收入国家有92%。非洲位于最差
之
列，仅铺了13%的大路，而欧洲和中东地区的发展中国家高达91%，几乎和高
收
入国家水平相平衡了。
Telecommunications services are improving in quality，accessibili
ty可达性，可获得性，and affordability可承担，可负担性 around the
wor
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ld，thanks to competition in the marketplace accompanied by sound
regulation有效管理(Globally，there are l72 fixed telephone mainlines
for every l000 people，but large differences remain between low- income
economies (around 30 per l 000)and high-income economies(around 600 per
l000)(And within countries there are often stark完全的，巨大的 di
fferences in access between the largest city and the average for the
country. In Sri Lanka, for example, there are about 300 telephone
mainlines for every l000 residents in Colombo, while the average for the
country is only 44 per l000. In many countries people are turning to
mobile phones. In Latin America, at l61 per l000 people, mobile
phones are almost as numerous as fixed line telephones (165 per l000
people). 由于有良好规范的市场竞争，电信服务一直在质量、便利和价格方面不
断
改进。世界上每1000个人中有172根固定电话线，但低收入人群(1000个人中
有30根)与高收入人群(1000个人中有600根)依然有很大的差别。在一些国
家内部，最大的城市和一般城市之间往往有非常明显的差别。比如，在斯里兰
卡，
可伦坡的1000人中有300根电话线，而整个国家的平均水平才只有44根。在
许
多国家里，人们正在转向移动电话。拉丁美洲中，1000个人中有161根，而移
动电话的数量几乎与固定电话相等(1000个人中有165部)。
Essential to building a knowledge economy is ensuring access for all
to computers and the Internet(The digital divide between rich an
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d poor economies-the- gap in access to information and communications
technology-remains wide，with high-income economies having 416 personal
computers per l000 people and low-income economies only 6 per
l000(Even so，ownership of personal computers is growing twice as fast
in developing as in high-income economies. Large gaps also exist among
developing regions, with developing countries in Europe and CentralAsia
having about 52 personal computers per l000 people，but South A
sia only about 5. 建设知识经济的根本在于确保所有人都有电脑和网络可
用。
穷人和富人对信息和交流技术的掌握差距依然很大，富人中每1000人中有416
台私人电脑，而穷人仅有6台。即使如此，在发展中国家里私人电脑的拥有量
正
以两倍于发达地区的发展速度增长着。在不同的落后地区，较大的差距也是存
在
着的，欧洲和中亚地区的发展国家中，每1000人中有52台私人电脑，而南亚
仅
有5台。
Unit 5
What Is Community?
Communities社区 are natural human associations ties of relationship
and shared experiences in which we mutually provide meaning in our lives,
meet needs, and accomplish interpersonal人际间的 goals. Our
predisposition倾向 to community insures that we become the persons
we were meant to become, discover meaning, generate ethical民族的 va
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lues, and develop a culture which would be impossible for single,
isolated individuals to accomplish alone. When we talk about community,
we talk about two things simultaneously. Community is located in space
and time and it exists beyond space and time. Community is embodied具体
表现 in a place, structure, and presence, but community transcends
location; it cannot be confined by structure or mere history. 社区
是基于关系和共同经历建立起来的人类自然的联合。在这里我们赋予生活意
义，
满足需要，实现人际目标。我们的社区倾向确保我们成为我们应该成为的人，
确
保我们发现生活的意义，创造道德价值，并且发展了一种孤立的个体的我们不
可
能实现的文化。当我们谈社区的时候，我们同时在谈两件事。社区即存在于时
间
空间之内也存在于时间空间之外。社区体现于地点，结构及存在，但又超越特
定
场所;它不能被结构或历史限制。
Embodied Community
Every one of us needs community. Community arises spontaneously自然
地 because of an innate sociality生来具有的交际能力 of the human
condition. With relatively rare exceptions community has been the fo
rm of human associated life by which people have related throughout
history. Your self cannot, in fact, reach its full realization in
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isolation, but only as you are nurtured养育, guided, and suffused with
t
he life of the community in which you exist. 我们每个人都需要社区。
社
区的自发出现是因为人类与生俱来的社会性。少有例外社区成为人类联系的方
式，通过这种方式人类从古自今联系起来。事实上，你自己独自实现不了你的
全
部目标。你只是在社区中被培养长大，茁壮成长。
Localized community needs to be embodied to have existence. In its
purest sense, community is an arena of social interaction, a milieu
of social relationships in which we engage one another at a time and
in a place where we gather together. For many communities to have
permanence, they often become identified with physical space that the
community claims as its own. This could be a territory or a neighborhood
that we identify with a name and includes homes, schools, and shops.
Communities such as a local church, neighborhood, or ethnic人种的
or civic association often develop a structure or a form of
association, infuse灌输 it with values, and derive meaning form it. The
location or the structure becomes the embodiment of and symbolizes
community. Thus it is appropriate to talk about community as a
neighborhood
or association that exists in space and time, that has permanence
and structure. 局部化的社区需要存在的体现。在最纯粹意义上讲，社区是人类
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交往的舞台，人际关系的环境。社区为我们人与人交往提供时间地点。那些能
长
久存在的社区被视为具体的场所。这个场所可能是被我们命名的一个领域或临
近
的地方包括家、学校和商店。例如地方上的教堂，附近的地方，种族或民间组
织
这样的社区经常会产生结构或一种联系的形式，在其中灌输价值，产生意义。
地
点和结构变成社区的体现或象征。因此把社区看作存在于时间空间的，长久存
在
的临近的地方或组织是恰当的。
Transcendent Community超越的社区
Although a community can be found in a locality or be embodied by
a structural form, community is never simply a static physical
location that we inhabit, as social ecologists assert断言，声称; nor is
it
merely a structure or mechanical process, as systems theorists
suggest. Community is the act by which we engage one another, experience
relationships, and become a people. Wherever humans exist, we
spontaneously seek and form community. 虽然社区可以是一个地点或具体的结
构形
式，但却不能像社会生态学家宣称的那样仅仅是一个我们居住的静态的物理位
置，或者像系统学家提出的是结构或机械过程。社区是我们相互交往，体验关
系，
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成为人类的一种行动。只要人类存在，我们就会自发地寻找并形成社区。
Communities are an indelible不可或缺的，永恒的 component of the h
uman condition, not relative to a particular historical era, place,
or time. Neither are communities unique to one race, national, or
cultural group. Community transcends history and cannot be contained by
mere history. Deeply rooted in our nature, community may be said to be
a universal human phenomenon, not contingent on circumstances.可以说
社区是人类普遍群居的现象，而不是对环境临时性要求。社区是人类生存条件
不
可缺少的成分，于特定的历史时期、地点、时间没有关系。社区也不因种族、
国
家、文化而不同。社区超越历史又不仅仅包含在历史中。社区深深植根于人类
的
天性可以说是普遍的人类现象而不取决于环境。
Community transcends location. As people in community move from
place to place, we carry our community with us. When the nation of
Israel was destroyed and most of her people were exiled流放 to Babylon
in 597 B. C., they lost their land, but they never lost themselves,
their community. They were then, and 2600 years later remain a people,
a community, regardless of where they are located. 社区超越地理位
置。
当人们从一个社区搬到另一个社区，我们也随身带着社区。当公元前597年以
色
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列国被摧毁，大部分以色列人被迫流亡巴比伦的时候，虽然他们丧失了土地，
但
他们没有失去自我，失去他们的社区。不管他们住在哪里，那时以及2600年
后
他们还是一个民族，一个社区。
Community transcends超越 its structure. The original group that
called themselves
of the Way
at Jerusalem, in one another's homes, and who owned everything in common.
Christian churches today are far different from those original
communities in the way they are structured and governed, and in the
manner and language in which worship is conducted. Yet they remain
communities united in a common belief and heritage(遗产). 社区超越他的
结构。最初叫做“路上人”的本原群只是一个小团体。他的成员相聚在耶路撒
冷
的庙宇，相聚在成员的家里，人于人没有贫富差别。现在的基督教于本原群大
不
相同，无论是结构、管理、语言，还是崇拜的方式。然而他们具有相同的信念
和
遗产。
Community transcends time. A community exists before we were born
and will live on after we die. We develop a shared memory and obtain
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a sense of ourselves by means of our common history together. The
symbols and meaning that community incorporates, while origination in
time, become timeless. 社区超越时间。社区在我们出生以前就存在并且在我们
去世以后还将继续存在。我们的共同记忆共同感来源于我们共同的历史。尽管
起
源于时间，社区包含的象征和意义变得没有时间限制
There is not just one model of community or one community ideal.
Each community is a unique blending of the people of which it is
composed. The many good communities that add to the shape and texture of
human existence. The more communities that develop, therefore, the more
opportunities for us to explore alternative ways of being in the world,
and different ways of achieving richness of character. 社区不止
一种形式也不止一种理想形式。每个社区都是由人类组成的特殊团体。许多优
秀
社区的形成丰富人类存在的形态和结构。因此，社区越多，我们生存的选择就
越
多，实现性格完美的途径就越多。
Unit 6
Developing and
Designing Performance Management
The development and design of a performance management(绩效管理)
system naturally depends heavily on how performance is defined and
on
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the state and nature of the organization's existing systems,
structures, etc. In the broadest sense performance management
organizational
performance but, as was shown earlier, this is a problematic
Dawson points out: 发展并设计绩效管理在很大程度上取决于我们如
何定
义绩效，以及组织现存的系统、结构等的状态、性质。广义上来讲，绩效管理
与
组织的表现有关。但是如上所示，这个概念是由问题的。正如道森指出的:
When people talk of improving organizational performance they can
be referring to any one
of a number of aspects, including effectiveness (goal attainment),
efficiency (amount of resources used to produce a unit of output),
productivity in terms of quantity or quality or timing, indicators of
morale, and capacity to adapt and change to cope with the unexpected and
unpredictable. 当人们谈道改善组织表现的时候，可能是指任何一个方面，
包括效力(目标实现)，效率(单位产品使用的资源量)，按数量、质量、时间
计算的生产力，士气的体现，接受能力，应对不可预料情况的能力。(道森 19
96:235)
(Dawson 1996: 235)
That organizational performance can be defined in so many terms
means, of course, that the task of forging(打造，锤炼)a link between
individual and organizational performance is far from simple. 当然组
织的绩效能用许多条件定义然而在个人和组织之间建立联系却不是这么简单。
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Indeed, defining performance at the individual level is no less
complex. As we saw, there are two main conceptions-outputsresults and
behaviors. But it is probable that employee inputs-their effort, for
example，also fall within a loose everyday understanding of the term
performance. Herein(于此，在这里)lies one of the problems of perfor
mance management, that of achieving some understanding of what is
meant by performance, whether at the individual or organizational level
(or any where in between). I will outline a diagnostic(诊断的), ‘i
nvolving’ approach as a means of trying to bring about the sort of
understanding that is required. 确实，在个人层面上定义绩效不是很复杂。
正如我们所见，有两个主要概念――产量(结果)及行为。但是员工的投入――
例如他们的努力――也在对于绩效的平常的理解之中。绩效管理的问题就在于
此，即对于绩效的理解，无论是在个人层面还是在组织层面(或者在两者之
间)。
我将给出一个解决的大概思路，包括尝试把两种理解整合的办法。
Though it has several meanings, the most common interpretation of
the term performance management is that it is a set of activities
directed at the individual so as to channel his or her performance in
support of organizational performance. That said, these activities exi
st within a broader framework of some kind. The integrative整体的, h
olistic(总体的，全盘的) approach to performance management that is
advocated in much of the literature sees this framework as involving the
communication of the organization's mission使命 statement, goals,
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etc. to all employees. The intent here is to bring individual goals
into line with those expressed for the organization as a whole or, in
other words, to individual performance organizational performance.
This, of course, is a unitarist(一元论的) view which very often is a
t odds with organizational reality and which may be one of the
reasons why performance management systems do not succeed as intended.
It may be preferable to try to accommodate the plurality of interests
that we are likely to find, at least to the extent of having different
systems to suit the needs and requirements of different groups, whether
they be departments, type of job or whatever. 虽然具有几种意思，但是
绩效管理的最普通的理解是指导个人以使他或她的绩效支持组织的绩效的一系
列行动那就是说，这些行动存在于一个某种更宽的框架内。许多文献鼓吹的对
于
绩效管理的综合整体分析把这个框架看作是包含把组织的任务说明，目标等和
所
有员工进行交流的框架。目的就是使员工的目标和组织的整体目标一致，换言
之，
就是使个人绩效于组织绩效一致。也许调和大多数人的利益是更可取的，至少
在
某种程度上会有不同的系统适应不同人群的不同需求，不管是部门不同还是工
作
不同。
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Some accounts of employee performance management assume that the
organizational framework already exists. For example, earlier I quoted
Ainsworth and Smith (1993).
This assumes that the important corporate issues of 'mission' and
the setting of
corporate goals have been addressed and resolved. It assumes that
objectives for the sub-sections of the organization (the departments,
divisions or business units) have been set within the key results
areas, and that the senior management group has identified just where
the competitive advantage and value added dimensions of the business lie.
It further assumes that all of this has been communicated to and
understood by those involved. 一些对员工绩效管理的说明假定组织框架已
经存在。比如，我在早先引用的安尼沃斯和史密斯的话已经提到(1993)。
这种假设为公司最为重要的“任务”并且公司的目标已经制定完好。而公司
下属机构的任务目标也已制定在关键结果区域内。公司高级管理层已经发现公
司
的竞争力、价值所在。还进一步假设所以这一切已经于所有相关人员进行过交
流
过并被大家理解。
(Ainsworth and Smith 1993: 5-6)
In many organizations it is likely that all of this does exist and
that it operates in the way advocated. But this should not be assumed;
for example, the IMS survey of performance management practices
(Institute of Personnel Management 1992) revealed that communication was
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one aspect of their policies which organizations found to be
problematical. Furthermore, the survey evidence also revealed that the
organizational framework is often deficient in various respects. So, not
all organizations have mission statements and even if they do there
may be a failure to communicate those statements, and other relevant
information, to all employees. Hence, for many organizations the
starting points for performance management will have to be at the
corporateorganizational level-for example, with its systems for
planning, manufacturingservice delivery, employee communication, etc.
很有可能
并且是以这种方式经营操作的。但不应该假设他们在许多公司所有这些都存
在，
就存在，例如:对于IMS公司的绩效管理调查显示他们的政策在交流这方面就
存
在问题。调查结果还揭示出组织框架经常在许多方面是不完善的。因此，不是
所
有的组织都有任务说明，并且如果有，也没能与所有人员进行充分相关的信息
的
交流。因此，对于所有的组织绩效管理的起点应该放在公司或组织的层面。例
如，
计划体系，生产制造，服务交货，员工交流等等。
But as can be seen from earlier chapters, the predominant nature of
performance management systems in UK organizations is that they are in
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essence evolutionary developments of performance appraisal, or as Lundy
and Cowling put it, 一种逻辑级数)
996. 307). This may be true of elsewhere also; for example, in the
US
Bernardin et al. (1998) note the substitution of
management绩效评估)
I will outline an approach to the development and implementation of
performance management which is consistent with the evolutionary stance
but which allows for more radical and fundamental change. The basis
of the approach comes form Mohrman et al. (1989). Though presented
as an approach to the design of appraisal systems, it applies readily to
performance management as conventionally practiced in the UK and I
will therefore describe it in performance-management- related terms.
I shall use the Mohrman et al. model as a general framework within which
I shall incorporate other models, including those from the broader
literature on the management of change. A characteristic feature of
many of the recent models of performance management system design is
the strong emphasis they place on diagnosis and analysis. 但是，从前
面的章节可以看出，英国的绩效管理体系的主要特性是他们本质上是绩效评估
的
革命性发展，或者乳鲁迪和考凌指出的是“一种逻辑进步”(1996。307)。在
其他也许也是这样;例如在美国，博那丁等注意到“绩效管理”被替换为“绩
效
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评估”。留心于此，我将提出一个与革命性思维方式一致的解决办法的大纲，
但
同时也允许根本性的基本的改变。这一解决办法来源于墨曼等(1989)。虽然表
面上是评估体系设计的方法，但是可以
应用到英国传统上进行的绩效管理。而且我将用与绩效管理有关的术语对它
进行描述。我将用墨曼的模型作为总的框架其中还要整合其他模型，包括那些
来
自关于管理变化的文献的。最近许多绩效管理模型的典型性特征是是对系统设
计
的诊断和分析的强调。
Unit 7
World Development Indicators
Reliable statistics on income, output, consumption, savings, and
investment assessing评估 the health of a national economy and, in
aggregate总起来说, the world economy. 关于收入、产量、消费、储蓄, 和投
资的可靠的统计，对评估国民经济和世界经济的健康是重要的。
The modern system of national accounts国民账户体系 has its origi
ns in the work of Richard Stone and a report prepared in the 1940s
for the United Nations, Measurement of National Income and the
Construction of Social Accounts (United Nations 1947). Standards for
preparing national accounts have continued to evolve发展, and most
countries
now use the United Nations System of National Accounts, series F, No.
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2, version版本3 (universally referred to as the 1968 SNA), though
version 4 of the SNA was completed in 1993. As more countries the
new version, the 2001 edition of the World Development Indicators指
标 introduced the 1993 SNA terminology术语学 (see Primary data doc
umentation文件). 现代国家帐户系统起源于Richard Stone的工作和一份40
年代为联合国准备的报告——这份报告是关于国民收入评测和社会帐户建构
(联
合国1947 的)。国家帐户的标准不断演变。虽然1993 年第4版的系统网络体
系
已出台, 许多国家现在仍使用联合国F系列, 2号，第3版本的国家帐户系统
(一
般指1968 的系统网络体系)。随着许多国家逐渐采用新版本, 2001年出版的
“世
界发展显示”就介绍了1993版系统网络体系中的术语(参见主要数据文献) 。
National income may 汇编成the sum of incomes received by factors
of production, or the sum of spending from income, or the sum of
value added in each stage of production. Each approach uses different
data from different sources, but ideally each should arrive at the same
total. Because these measures do not allow for the depreciation贬值
of physical capital, they are gross总的 measures. When the sum is t
he total value of production by residents and domestic businesses,
it
is gross domestic product国内生产总值 (GDP). When it also includes
net income from abroad, it is gross national income国民总收入 (GNI).
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国民收入也许被编写为由生产因素决定的收入的总和, 或收入中被消费部分的
总和, 或在各个生产阶段增值的总和。每种方法采用不同来源的数据, 在理想
状
况下，各种方法的总计都应相同。由于这些措施不考虑到实物资本的贬值, 他
们
都是粗略的统计。当总和是由居民和国内企业生产的价值所组成, 就是国民生
产
总值。当它还包括国外的净收入, 就是总国民收入(GNI)。
Defining national income is easy, but compiling consistent一致的,
timely及时的, and accurate national accounts is difficult and costly
成本大. Three broad problems face compilers编辑者 of national accou
nts: identifying识别 and correctly accounting for all sources of
income (or output) in the economy; adjusting data for price changes to
allow comparisons of real values over time; and, when international
comparisons are to be made, selecting the appropriate conversion转化 f
actor to transform values in national currencies流通货币 into a comm
on unit of value. Each has conceptual and practical difficulties.(概
念上和操作上的困难) 定义国民收入容易, 但编写一致的, 实时性的, 和准确
的国家帐户是困难和昂贵的。国家帐户编译器面临着三大问题: 正确地确认和
统
计经济中所有收入(或产量)来源;调整一段时期内由于价格变动而导致变动的
相
对的真正价值;并且, 当进行国际比较时, 选择一个恰当的转换本国货币价值
的
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通用的单位系数。这三种在理论和实践上都有着困难。
Measuring income requires regular surveys of producers and
households, supplemented补充 by records of the tax system, Customs
service,
and monetary货币的 and banking authorities. In all economies, but
particularly in developing economies with many small, unincorporated
businesses综合经营的商业 it may be difficult to identify the population
to be surveyed and to distinguish business spending (investment or
purchases of intermediate inputs) from household spending
(consumption). 评测收入需要对生产商和居民，以及税收系统、海关, 和货币和
银行当局
特别是发展中经济体系里，有许多的纪录进行定期的调查。在所有经济体系里,
小的分散的企业, 将是很难确认被调查的人口，以及把居民消费(消耗量)和企
业
消费(投资或中间进行的购买)区分开来 。
Measuring real output is especially vexing令人恼怒的. As an econ
omy grows, relative prices do the underlying qualities潜在的质量of
g
oods. New products appear and others disappear. And the value of the
output of the increasingly important service sector服务行业 is often
measured only by the cost of inputs, mainly labor. What are the
results of all these factors? Real growth and price change are difficult
to measure. 评测出真正的产量尤其麻烦。随着经济增长, 价格会相对变动,
每种商品质量的优差也会变动。新产品不断出现，其他产品不断消
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亡。并且，越来越重要的服务部门的产品价值通常由输入的费用测定，而这
又主要由劳方来定。这些因素导致什么样的结果呢? 真正的增长和价格变动难
以
测定。
Comparisons across countries are complicated by multiple exchange
rates多重汇率, some of which may be used only for official
transactions官方交易, while others may not be officially reported.
Moreover,
relative prices of goods and services not traded on the
international market may vary substantially充分地 from one economy to
another, l
eading to big differences in the purchasing power of one currency
compared with that of another and thus to differences in welfare as
measured by 交换率多样性使跨国比较变得很复杂, 有些交换率只用在官方交易中,
非官方的交易中则采用其他的。而且, 没在国际市场上进行交易的物品和服务
的相对价格，或许从一种经济到另一种就会发生极大的变化。这导致一种经济
形
式中货币购买力和另一种经济形式中的购买力有很大的差别，因而使由GNI测
定
的人均福利也有很大差别。
Although the World Development Indicators the most obvious and
serious deficiencies不足 in international statistics统计数据, it can n
either list nor correct for the many sources of error and non-
comparability. The solution lies with the national statistical offices
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that collect and report the data and with the international agencies
that assist their efforts and try to ensure comparability(可比较性). 虽
然
世界发展显示指出，国际统计最明显最严重的缺陷在于，它可能列不出亦改不
出
许多误差和不可比性的来源。这个问题的解决就留给了国家统计局，他们收集
并
报告相关数据，而且国际代办处会协助他们来努力保证这些数据可比性。
Unit 8
The Economic Perspective
for the People's Republic of China
With a strong performance绩效 in the trade sector部门 after Worl
d Trade Organization accession加入, record inflows流入 of foreign
di
rect investment, and large fixed investment, the country continued
its rapid economic expansion in 2002, recording one of its fastest rates
in 5 years. Strong economic performance is expected to continue, though
growth will slow slightly in 2003--2004. However, many challenges remain,
including slow growth in rural incomes, the need to create jobs and an
enabling environment for the private sector为民营企业营
造环境, growing disparities不同，差距between the coastal and
interio
r provinces沿海与内陆省份之间差距的加大, and financial sector经济部
门weaknesses. 自加入世界贸易组织后，中国在贸易方面有着
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很好的表现。外商直接投资和大量固定投资不断增长。2002 年，中国的经
济继续保持迅速地增张, 成为5 年来发展最快的一年。这种强大的经济发展被
预计将会继续, 虽然从2003 年-- 2004 年增长会稍微减慢。但是,仍存在着许
多挑战依, 包括农村收入的缓慢的增长, 需要创造更多的工作机会和为私营行
业提供发展的环境,需要平衡沿海和内部省不断加大的差距以及改善财政部门
的
弱点。
1. Macroeconomic Assessment(宏观经济评估)
GDP growth in the People's Republic of China (PRC) accelerated to
8.0% in 2002 from
7.3% in 2001, moving higher than the 7.8% average of the previous
5 years. This higher than expected figure resulted from exports
performing better than anticipated预期, surging波动foreign direct
invest
ment国外直接投资(FDI), and buoyant轻快的，有浮力的domestic demand.
E
xpansionary fiscal and monetary policies扩张性的资金政策also . 中华
人民共和国的国民生产总值在2002 年，相对于2001的7.3%，增长率为
8.0% ，
高出过去5 年的平均增长率(7.8%)。这个比期望还高的增长率，导致出口状
况比被期望的还要好, 外国直接投资(FDI)涌起而至,国内需求迅速攀升。扩大
性
财政和货币政策发挥了作用。
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Industry (including construction) was the key engine of economic
growth, with value added accelerating to 9.9% in 2002 from 8. 7% in 2001.
Electronic equipment, transportation equipment, and chemical products
all did well. A surge波动，汹涌in FDI and export growth the va
lue added of foreign- funded enterprises外资企业 increasing by 13.3%.
Supported mainly by growth in transportation, telecommunications,
and real estate固定财产, the services sector expanded by 7.3% in 2002
(though because of weaknesses in the statistical system, growth in this
sector is probably underestimated低估). Despite a spring drought
干旱, agriculture sector performance绩效improved slightly compared
w
ith the previous 2 years. Grain output, which dropped by 2. 1% in
2001, rose by 1%.产业(包括建筑)是经济增长的关键所在。在2002 年，以增值
的
方式从2001的8. 7%增长到9.9% 。电子设备、运输设备, 和化学制品全部涌
现。
FDI的攀升和出口增长，导致外国资助的企业以增值的方式增长了13.3% 。主
要
靠运输、电信, 和房地产的增长支撑, 服务行业在2002 年增长了7.3% (由于
统
计系统的缺陷，这个行业的增长大概被低估了) 。尽管春天天旱, 农业行业的
表
现比早先2 年也有了轻微的改善，五谷产品产量在2001年下降了2.1%, 02年
却上升了1% 。
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A surge in fixed asset资产 investment, which grew by 16.1%, stim
ulated domestic demand. Private investment rose by 15.7% in the year,
faster than in 2001. Across sectors, investment in real estate was
particularly strong, registering a 21.9% increase in 2002, as housing
reforms and more housing mortgage loans住宅抵押贷款led to a buoyant
property market. Supported by the Government's western region
development strategy, investment in that region grew by 20. 6%, faster
than in the central (20.0%) and eastern (16.2%) regions. 固定资产投资的
增
长了16.1%, 这刺激了国内需求。私有投资在该年增长了15.7%，比2001 年要
快。跨行业,尤其是房地产投资，十分强大，在2002 年登记记录的为21.9%
增
幅。由于安置改革和安置抵押贷款增多，导致出一个轻快的财产市场。由政府
的
西部区域发展战略支持,那个区域的投资增长了20 .6%, 比在中部(20.0%)和东
部(16.2%) 地区增长的快。
Domestic consumption strengthened by 8.8%. The steady growth in
domestic spending was mainly driven by urban households, which spent 10%
more than in the previous year. Rural residents' spending registered a
6.8% increase, reflecting the continued widening of urban-rural income
disparities差距. Per capita urban disposable income税后收入gr
ew by 13.4% in real terms to exceed CNY7 700 ( $$ 928), while per
capita real rural cash income increased by only 4.8% to
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reach CNY2 476 ( $$ 298). The rapid increase in urban incomes
triggered引发起 a purchasing boom for private cars, telecommunications
equipment, and houses迅速增加的城市收入引发起人们对私家车、手机、和房
屋地购买热潮. In 2002, car imports increased by 77 % and sales of
telecommunications equipment and houses grew by 69 % and 39 %,
respectively. 国内消费增长了8.8% 。国内消费的稳步增长主要由城市居民来驱
动。城
市居民的消费比去年增长了10%。农村居民的消费增长了6.8% ,这反映了城乡
居
民收入的差距。城市人均可用收入增长了13.4%，实际超出CNY7 700
($$ 928)。
而农村真正的人均现金收入增长了4.8%，只超出了CNY2 476 ($$298) 。城市
收
入的迅速增长，导致了购买私人汽车、电信设备, 和房子的繁荣。2002 年,
汽
车电信设备进口增长了77 %，电信设备的销售和房子分别增长了69 % 和
39 %。
As economic restructuring重组continued, employment in the state-
owned sector国有企业 and urban collectives集体企业continued
decreasi
ng. The number of employees in the state-owned sector fell by减少了
4.6 million in 2001 and by the end of 2002 had fallen by a further
4.8 million. Excluding不包括 smaller private and informal sector
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activities, employment in the non-state-owned sector非国有制部门
increased
by 3.0 million in 2002. Based on official statistics, which
underestimate the problem, the urban registered unemployment rate rose
from
3.6% in 2001 to 4.0% in 2002. If workers at state-owned enterprises
国有企业 (SOEs) who had not been reemployed were included, the adj
usted unemployment rate would have been more than 7%. The
development
of an urban social safety net and reform of social security are
needed to ameliorate改善 the social costs of the economic reform
program.
当经济持续进行重新构建, 国企和城市集体企业的就业也就在持续减少。2001
年，国企里的雇员的数量下跌了4.6 百万， 2002 又下降了4.8百万。除了较
小的私有和非正规行业，2002 年在非国有行业就业增加了3.0 百万。据低调
的
官方统计, 2002 年城市登记的失业率从2001的 3.6% 上涨到4.0% 。如果包
括
在国营企业(SOEs)里未被重新雇用的人员,那么失业率将超过7% 。需要对城市
社会安全体系网络和对社会保险业的进行开发与改革，从而能改观经济改革
的
社会花费状况。
2. Policy Developments
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Fiscal policy财政收入 has stimulating the PRC's economic growth over
the past 5 years. The Ministry of Finance estimated that four
consecutive连续性的 fiscal stimulus packages contributed 1.5, 2.0, 1.7,
and 1.8 percentage points to GDP growth四个连贯的财政刺激政策，分别
推动国民生产总值增长1.5, 2.0, 1.7, 和1.8个百分点in the years 1998-
-
2001, respectively. The Government issued CNY 150 billion ( $$18.1
billion) in special bonds to finance the public deficit赤字 in 2002. Th
ese bonds were mainly used to finance public sector projects under
construction, development projects in the western region, technological
upgrading of key enterprises, projects to divert water from the
south to the north, and rural infrastructure. 在过去5 年，财政政策在刺
激
中华人民共和国的经济增长中扮演了的一个重要角色。财政部估计, 从1998
年
到2001 年，四个连贯的财政刺激政策，分别推动国民生产总值增长1.5, 2.0,
1.7, 和1.8 个百分点。2002 年，政府以特别债券形式发布CNY150达十亿
($$18.
1 十亿)，来弥补资金匮乏。这些债券主要为国营部门项目建设，西部发展项
目，
重点企业的技术升级，南水北调，农村基础设施建设，提供经费。
To promote the development of an integrated national market and fair
competition between enterprises in different regions, the Government
changed the methodology of income tax sharing between the central
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and local governments为促进一个联合的国内市场的发展和不同的地区企业
之间的公平竞争, 政府改变了中央和当地政府之间的所得税方法. From 1
Janu
ary 2002,
corporate income tax revenues税收 were no longer divided accordi
ng to the jurisdiction权限 of the enterprise. Except for several spe
cial industries, most of the corporate(法人)公司income tax and all
personal income tax revenue were shared between the central and
local
authorities at a fixed ratio按一定的比率. The central Government us
ed the income tax increase resulting from the reform for transfer
payments from the central budget to local authorities, especially those
in the central and western regions. Government procurement procedures
were also strengthened. 为促进一个联合的国内市场的发展和不同的地区企
业之间的公平竞争, 政府改变了中央和当地政府之间的所得税方法。从2002
年
1月1 日, 公司收入税收支不再根据企业的法规被划分了。除了几个特别产业,
大多数公司的收入税和所有个人所得税收支，在中央和地方政府之间，有一个
固
定的分享的比率。中央政府增加所得税，尤其是在中部和西部地区，是由于从
中
央预算到地方政府转拨款项的改革。政府采购规程也被加强了。
With WTO accession加入、就职任, the Government accelerated the p
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ace of reforming the domestic economy. A series of adjustments in
fiscal and tax policies was made in the first year after WTO accession i
on more than 5 300 commodities日ncluding: (i) reducing tariffs关税
用品, resulting in the general tariff level dropping from 15.3% to
12.0% (and further to 11.0% in early 2003); (ii) eliminating different
treatments待遇 between domestic and foreign enterprises, such as
unifying accounting standards比如实施了统一的计算标准, by applying the
s
ame tax rate reduction on investment in encouraged sectors and in
the
western region; and (iii) raising the export rebate折回扣 rates on
cotton, rice, wheat, and corn exports from 5% to 13%..随着加入WTO,
政府加快了国内经济的改革步伐。在加入WTO后的一年内，财政和税收政策有
了
一系列的调整: (i) 降低了超过5 300 件商品的关税, 使总体关税水平从15.
3%下降到12.0% (在2003 年初期，进一步下降到11.0%); (ii) 消除国内和外
国企业之间不同的对待标准, 譬如统一一体会计标准, 在鼓励发展的行业和在
西部采用同样的投资减率政策; (iii) 提高棉花、米、麦子, 和玉米出口折扣
率，
从5% 到13% 。
On the monetary front在货币问题上, the Government adopted severa
l measures to stimulate domestic demand and took substantial steps
to
fulfill its WTO commitments采取稳步的步骤来履行它对WTO的承诺. Conce
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rned that考虑到 the decline in SOCB lending could aggravate
deflationary pressure SOCB 借贷能力的下降，加重的通货紧缩的压力, PRC
adopted
the following measures. (i) it cut the 1-year lending rate by 0. 5
percentage point to 5.3% in February; 在2月，把一年的放款利率削减0.5
个百分点，下降到5.3%; (ii) it raised the target growth rate for
M2(货
币供应量之二) from 13% to 14% in May在5月，把M2的目标增长率从13%
提高到14%;; and (iii) it issued a directive in mid-2002 urging SOCBs
to increase lending to consumers and small and medium enterprises
(SMEs) 在货币问题上, 政府采取了几个措施来刺激国内需求，采取稳步的步骤来
履行它对WTO的承诺。SOCB 借贷能力的下降，加重的通货紧缩的压力,中国采
取
了以下措施:(i) 在2月，把一年的放款利率削减0.5 个百分点，下降到5.3%;
(ii) 在5月，把M2的目标增长率从13% 提高到14%; (iii) 在2002 年中
期，
发布一项方针来敦促SOCBs 增加对消费者和中小型企业(SMEs)的借贷。
3. Outlook for 2003--2004
The economy will face downward pressure over the next 2 years. With
a less expansionary fiscal policy, low growth in the rural sector,and
the impact of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), economic
growth is forecast at 7.3% for 2003. 在将来的两年里，经济将面临着下
降
的压力。收缩性的财政政策，农村地区的低速增长，非典(SARS)的冲击, 2003
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年的经济预计会增长7.3%。
After record trade levels and government spending in 2002, exports
and investment growth will slow in 2003. First, exports will not match
2002's rate of expansion as growth in import demand in its biggest
markets, the US and Japan, is expected to be modest and growth of
imports will exceed that of exports, resulting in a smaller trade
surplus首先, 出口无法像2002那样迅速扩展，因为中国最大的市场——美国和
日
本，进口需求预计只为一般水平，进口将会超过出口,这会造成更小的贸易顺
差.
Second, the Government's growing budget deficit赤字 will limit the
continued use of fiscal stimulus packages. Worries about rising debt
are expected to constrain government bond sales to finance more infra
and construction projects. 其次,政府预算赤字的增structure基础设施
长，将限制财政刺激政策的持续效度。对增长的债务的担心，预计会影响给更
多
基础设施和建造计划提供经费的国债的销售。 There is a growing need to
r
educe debts in other sectors of the economy as the Government
contemplates打算寻找 another huge bank bailout救助 and ways to fund its
fle
dging pension养老金 system. 必需减少其它经济行业的债务，因为政府要找
出其他巨大的银行财政援救和方式，来资助退休金系统成长起来. As the
effe
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ctiveness of fiscal stimulus tapers off in 2003, growth of
investment
in fixed assets固定资产 will rely more heavily on the private sector
and FDI由于财政刺激的有效性已经降低，在固定资产上的投资增长将严重依
赖私营部门和FDI.
Although consumption will be robust有潜力, the consumption patte
rn may change with more money being spent on housing, cars, and
tourism. However, services will suffer from the spread of SARs. Due to
large excess过剩的 capacity in many industries and cheap imports
related to WTO trade liberalization, deflationary通货紧缩的、物价低廉
press
ure will remain in 2003. CPI消费者物价指数 inflation is forecast at
0. 5%. Substantial FDI inflows will partly offset the decline in the
current account surplus resulting from the deteriorating trade balance.
The current account surplus will be 1.6% of GDP in 2003. 虽然消费
潜力巨大, 消费方式也许会改变，更多的金钱会用在住房、汽车, 和旅游业
上。
但是, SARS 传播将使服务业遭受重创。由于许多产业的大量剩余和与WTO 商
业
自由化带来的便宜进口, 2003年通货紧缩的压力将依然存在。CPI 通货膨胀预
计为0.5% 。稳步的FDI收入将部分抵销当前帐户盈余的衰退，这会导致贸易
平
衡的恶化。2003 年当前帐户盈余将占国民生产总值的1.6%。
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If the world economy experiences a modest recovery, domestic private
sector investment gathers momentum动力, and rural incomes rise m
oderately, then the economy will maintain its high growth in 2004,
projected计划 at 7. 6%. With the deepening of economic reforms and
industrial restructuring, excess capacity过剩的生产 and supply should b
e gradually absorbed or transferred to emerging industries or
sectors.
Inflation will likely be moderate适当的 at 1.0%. The current accoun
t is forecast at 1.5 % of GDP. 如果世界经济有所复苏, 国内私营部门投
资
农村收入也会适度上升。 2004 年经济将会保持高增长,预计为7.会比较集中,
6% 。随着经济改革的深入和工业结构的重建,过剩的生产和供应应该被吸收或
逐
渐转移到逐渐涌现的新产业或行业上。通货膨胀可能会在1.0% 。当前的帐户
预
计会占国民生产总值1.5 % 。
In the next 5 years or so, the most important challenge for the
PRC's policy makers is job creation, because, as the country continues
its economic restructuring and reform of SOEs, more workers will be .
These workers will join about 8 million new labor market entrants进
入者 and rural migrants农民工 in their search for jobs each year. It
will not be possible for the country to reduce poverty and maintain
social stability unless economic growth becomes more employment
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intensive为人们提供更多的就业机会, implying that the economy will need
to
shift from resource-extensive to labor- intensive growth. 在以后5 年
左右里, 中华人民共和国的政策制订者面临的最严峻的挑战是提供工作机会,
因为, 当国家继续进行它的SOEs经济结构
重建和改革, 更多的人将失业。这部分人将会加入每年大约8 百万的新劳
动力市场和农村移民者之中去，来寻找工作。除非经济增长，有更多就业机
会，
否则，是不可能减少贫穷和维护社会稳定的,这暗示出经济将需要从资源广泛
转
移到劳动密集型的增长上。
The private sector is playing the key role in job creation,
generating almost all new jobs between 1996 and 2002. To create a better
enabling environment for the private sector, the Government needs to
emphasize improving the legal framework and judicial system政府需要着
重改善改进法律体系和司法系统; honoring contracts尊重合同; eliminatin
g fake products and protecting intellectual property rights打假和保
护知识产权; converting legitimate fees and charges into taxes and
abolishing illegal and arbitrary fees征收合理的税款和废除乱收费; reduci
ng administrative bureaucracy减少行政官僚主义; removing local protec
tionism, barriers to interprovincial trade去除地方保护主义和省际贸易
的障碍, and other factors preventing fair competition以及其它阻碍公
平竞争的因素; and setting better accounting and auditing standards
and improving disclosure and enforcement. 私营行业在提供工作机会上起着
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重要作用, 几乎提供了从1996 年到2002 年间的所有新工作。为私营行业创
造
一个更好的环境, 政府需要着重改善改进法律体系和司法系统;尊重合同; 打
假
和保护知识产权; 征收合理的税款和废除乱收费; 减少行政官僚主义; 去除地
方保护主义和省际贸易的障碍, 以及其它阻碍公平竞争的因素;设置更好的统
计
审计标准和改变故意透露信息的风气的和改善执行程序。
Income inequality within regions, the gap between rural and urban
areas, as well as disparities不一致 between the eastern region and
western region (where most of the poor live) have all widened.
Addressing the issues of poverty and inequality maintain broad-based
public
support for the country's reform program贫穷和不平等的问题，对公众维
护和广泛支持国家的改革起着根本性的作用. More jobs need to be created
for the poor and economic growth promoted in rural areas and in the
interior provinces更多工作需要为贫困人口提供，要促进农村和内陆省份的经
济增长率. This calls for strengthening policies and institutions,
developing infrastructure, addressing关注 land degradation, and support
ing human resources development. Other measures required include
strengthening social safety nets and the social security system,
initially in urban areas and gradually in rural areas; improving poverty
reduction programs with better targeting这就要求强化政策和制度,进行基础
设施建设,关注土地退化问题, 支持人力资源开发; encouraging poor people
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to participate in decisions that affect them; and undertaking pro-
poor fiscal reform并且落实扶贫的财政改革, particularly at the provincia
l and sub- provincial levels. 地区内的收入不平衡，城乡差距,东西(多为
穷
苦的生活)部差距，都已拉大。贫穷和不平等的问题，对公众维护和广泛支持
国
家的改革起着根本性的作用。更多工作需要为贫困人口提供，要促进农村和内
省
的经济增长率。这就要求强化政策和制度,进行基础设施建设,关注土地退化问
题,
支持人力资源发展。其它措施必需包括:加强社会安全体系和社会保险体系,
首先在城市要推行，然后逐渐在农村发展; 更关注减少贫困的问题; 鼓励可怜
的
人民参加影响他们生活的政策决策; 并且落实扶贫的财政改革, 特别在省和市
级水平的改革。
Although the economic growth rate has been impressive, the
efficiency of resource use can still be improved. The financial sector
does
not allocate分派capital efficiently. A large volume of NPLs and a
poorly performing banking system have hindered阻碍 the development of
an efficient nationwide financial system and imposed large costs on
the economy大量的NPLs和一个经营低劣的银行业务系统，妨害了高效率的全
国性财政系统的发展, 造成了经济的巨大花费, and represent a potential
s
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ystemic risk代表了一种潜在的体制风险. WTO entry and short-term chall
enges trade and financial liberalization will exacerbate恶化、加剧
vulnerabilities弱点 in the financial system. 虽然经济增长率令人
印象深刻,但资源利用率仍需改进。财政部门调拨资本效率不高。大量的NPLs
和一个经营低劣的银行业务系统，妨害了高效率的全国性财政系统的发展，造
成
了经济的巨大花费, 代表了一种潜在的系统风险。WTO的条款和近期商业财政
自
由化的挑战，将进一步恶化财政系统的弱点。
To counter抵制these risks, the Government needs to institute
regulatory reform and information disclosure mechanisms(透露)发布机制i
n the financial sector 使于?一致international standards. Other measu
res required in a sequenced approach to liberalizing the financial
sector include resolving NPLs; diversifying ownership of financial
institutions; giving more autonomy to PBC and financial regulatory
agenci
es; liberalizing interest rates; allowing foreign participation and
the development of private banks; opening the capital account in phases
after strengthening domestic institutions; and establishing a sound,
flexible, and resilient exchange rate regime. 为抵抗这些风险, 政府需
要调整财政方面的改革和信息透露机制，以符合国际标准。其它措施必需，以
一
种程序化的方式，来对财政方面实现自由化，这包括:解决NPLs的问题; 财务
制度的多样化归属; 给更多的中国人民银行和财政管理机构于自主权; 利率自
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由化; 允许外国参与和私有银行的发展; 在加强国内机制后，逐步开设资本账
户;
建立有效、 灵活、自如的交换率体系。
Unit 9
China Seeks Peaceful Growth
Over the past 25 years, since the implementation of reform and
opening-up policy, China has made a series of new and important
achievements. It entered a well-off society at the beginning in this
century,
and is now striving toward building a society that is holistically
well off. 在过去的二十五以来，随着改革开放的不断深入，中国取得了一系列
举世瞩目的成就。在本世纪初，中国进入了小康社会，而现在正在致力于建设
一
个全面富足的社会。
The current stage of China's well-off(小康的，富裕的)society is
however incomprehensive范围有限的, unbalanced and of a low level. Th
ere is still a long way to go before China can 摆脱，甩掉its state
of
underdevelopment. China is still a developing country facing a
series of big problems. To illustrate说明，示范this here are two simple
m
athematical questions. One is multiplication乘法 and the other is di
vision除法 and they both focus on the number game. 但是中国目前的小
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康社会还是一个不全面，不平衡的一个低级阶段的社会。中国作为一个发展中
国
家还面临着很多的问题，若希望摆脱目前不发达的状态，还有很长的一段路要
走。
有两个简单的数学题可以解释这一问题:一个是乘法，一个是除法。这两个都
是
数字游戏。
In the multiplication scenario乘法情境, no matter how small and
negligible and economy or social development problem seems to be,
once multiplied by 1.3 billion, it become a big, or even a mega problem.
不论一个经济问题或是社会问题是多么小，但是只要乘以13亿，就会变成一
个
很大甚至达到百万位数的问题。
The division scenario除法情境 is no less thought provoking. No m
atter how abundant China's financial and material resources are,
once
divided by 1.3 billion, the per- capita level will be extremely low.
同样的，不论中国的金融或者资源有多么丰富，只要除以13亿，平均数就会变
得十分小。
This 1.3 billion China's population. Moreover, we have not yet
reached our
population peak, which will only begin in 2040 when it reaches 1.5
billion. 在这里，13亿指的就是中国的人口总数。但是我们目前还没有达到
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人口的最高峰—在2040年中国人口达到15亿之后，人口数量才能开始逐渐减
低。
Of course, we should not 视而不见 the other, more positive side o
f the coin. China's experience in reform and opening up in the past
25 years has proved the magnitude巨大(数量)of its labor force, creat
ivity, purchasing power, cohesion结合, momentum动力of development
an
d its contribution to the world as an engine of growth. 当然，我们同
时
也应该看到积极的一面。中国二十五年改革开放的实践证明:中国拥有丰富的
劳
动力资源，具有惊人的创造力、购买力、凝聚力及发展动力，中国是世界发展
的
动力之源。
Better Life for All全民争取更好的生活
Therefore, China's growth and development, including both the
negative and positive factors, in the final analysis, are inseparable不
能分割的 from the number 1.3 or 1.5 billion. In this context, all
the
efforts in the economic, political or cultural field, and either
concerning domestic, foreign or defense affairs国防事务, are securing保
卫 a comfortable life for its 1.3 billion, or even 1.5 billion
people.
We will never slacken松弛，放松 our efforts to bring about a better,
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richer, more decent像样的 life to our people. Even when China
reaches the level of moderately中等地 developed countries in the middle
o
f this century, we will still try to make further strides. 从最终的
分
析可以看到，在中国的成长与发展中，不论是积极的方面还是消极的反面，都
与
数字13亿或15亿是分不开的。在这种环境中，不论是在政治、经济、文化领
域
的努力，还是在内政、外交、国防上的措施，中国政府都是在为13亿或者说
是
15亿人争取幸福生活。我们永远不会放慢为人民带来更美好而又富有的生活的
脚步。甚至当中国在本世纪中叶达到中等发达国家的水平后，我们仍然会继续
大
步前进。
This is a great ambition shared by all the Chinese people, from the
leadership down to the general public. 这是从领导人到普通大众的全
体中国人共同的雄心壮志。
This objective will keep this generation and the next two to three
generations extremely busy. 这也是这代人及以后两、三代人共同奋斗的目
标。
To lift the life of one-fifth of the world's population to a high
level is also a great responsibility that China is duty-bound义不容
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辞的to human progress. 而将世界上五分之一的人口带入一个更发达的社
会，
也是中国为人类的进步所要承担的义不容辞的责任。
But just how should China achieve such a huge objective? 但是中国
如何才能达到这样宏伟的目标呢,
As you may know, this is a topic of much debate worldwide. My
argument is that China's achievements themselves have answered and is
answering this question, and will answer this question in an even more
convincing way令人心悦诚服的方式in the future. 正如你所知，这是一个世
界性的有争议的话题。而我认为:中国所取得的成就已经回答了，而且正在回
答
着这一问题;并且今后将以更令人信服的方式答复这一问题。
The underlying潜在的fact is that in the 25 years since its reform
and 开放, China has blazed点燃，找到a new strategic path that not
only suits its national conditions, but also conforms to the tide of
the times(符合时代潮流). 一个根本性的问题是:在这二十五年的改革开放
中，中国探索到了一个不仅适用与本国发展，同样还能顺应时代潮流的战略性
的
策略。
This new strategic path is China's peaceful rise和平崛起 through
independently building
socialism with Chinese characteristics, while , rather than
detaching from分离, economic globalization. 这个战略性的策略就是:中国通
过
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独立自主地建设有中国特色的社会主义而和平崛起，同时加入到经济全球化
中。
To this end, I would like to emphasize that to take part in economic
globalization instead of detaching from it represents a major strategic
choice. 在这里，我想强调一下:加入到经济全球化中而不是与其脱离，
是一个明智的战略选择。
This choice was put before the Chinese people in the 1970s, when the
new technological revolution and a new wave of economic globalization
were developing with great momentum动力、要素. The insightful远
见卓识的Chinese leadership grasped the trend, and on the basis of
its belief that today's world would be an open world and China's
development inseparable from that of the world, decided to seize the
historical opportunity and shift the focus of its work to economic
development. This was done through carrying out reform and opening up
and endeavoring to foster努力培养the domestic market and tap开发the
intern
ational market by implement the household contract system in rural
ar
eas通过实施农村家庭联产承包责任制, establishing four special economi
c zones in the coaster region and opening up 14 coastal cities.
These
initiatives进取性 ushered in引进 the current reform program. 在七十
年代新技术革命及新一轮的经济全球化的浪潮来临时，这个选择就已经被放到
了
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中国人的面前。富有远见的中国领导人紧紧抓住了这一趋势，在意识到如今的
世
界是一个开放的世界，中国的发展不能够脱离这个世界的基础上，决定抓住这
个
历史性的机遇并将工作的重心转移到经济发展上。中国为此贯彻实施改革开
放，
通过在农村开展家庭联产承包责任制，建立四个紧急特区及开放沿海十四个城
市
来扩大内需，打开国际市场。这些最初的政策引导了如今的改革发展。
Strategic Choice战略性选择
In the 1990s, China a strategic choice, due to the Asian financial
crisis亚洲金融危机 and the wrestling对抗，斗争between the forces f
or and against globalization在支持与反对全球化的两股力量之间寻找平衡.
The Chinese leadership carefully the positive and negative aspects
of economic globalization and seeking advantages while avoiding
disadvantages. Such a move China's reform and opening up a higher level.
1990年，在亚洲金融危机及全球化是否应该继续的斗争中，中国又一次地面临了
一个战略性选择。中国领导人仔细掂量了经济全球化的利弊，扬长避短。而这
一
举动将中国的改革开放带入到了一个更高的阶段。
I want to stress that while participating in economic globalization,
we should afford and should not expect to its own strength. 我想
强调一点:即使加入了经济全球化，我们应该靠自身的努力，而不能期望去依
靠
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经济全球化的力量。
That is to say, it has to fully and consciously its own
institutional innovation制度上的, tapping the growing domestic market,
converting its hefty savings deposits into investment将其巨大储蓄存款转
化
为投资，improving the quality of life for its citizens, and solving
its resource shortage资源短缺 and environmental problem through
scientific and technological progress. 也就是说，我们要完全自觉地依靠自
身的
制度革新，不断开发国内市场，将众多的储蓄存款转化为投资，改善人民的生
活
水平，通过科学技术的进步解决资源短缺及环境问题。
In a word, we have to rely on the resources of both domestic and
international markets and all positive factors积极有利因素 , so as
to resolve the big development problem and realize our great
ambition.
总而言之，为了解决重大的发展问题，实现宏伟目标，
我们应该依靠国内外市场资源，利用一切有利因素。
I would also like to emphasize that this is not only a path of
striving奋斗for development, but also a path of 坚持 peace and never s
eeking hegemony(用不称霸). 在此再强调一下，这不仅是寻求发展的道路，
也是坚持和平的道路，永不谋求霸权。
Peaceful Growth the Key和平发展是关键
The experience of big powers contending for hegemony霸权in conte
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mporary history 证明 the fact that the rise of a big power often
resulting drastic change in the international arena舞台 and world order
世界秩序中, which can even 导致a world war. An important reason behi
nd this is that big powers launched a war of aggression and external
expansion发动一场侵略战争并向外扩张, which 命中注定要 failure. 当代
历史发展中，大国强权谋求霸权的史实证明一个强权的崛起通常会带来国际舞
台
及世界秩序的激烈变化，甚至会导致战争的发生。在这背后隐藏的一个重要原
因
就是大国强权会发动侵略性的战争及对外扩张，但是这些注定是要失败的。
China's only choice is to growth, more importantly, strive for
peaceful growth. That is to say, we have to , safeguard world peace
through our development. 中国唯一的选择就是努力发展，更重要的是要和平发
展。换句话说，为了我们自身的发展，我们要为和平的国际环境而努力;同时
这
种安全也能够使我们的发展和平进行。
In this respect, there are three most important strategic principles:
First, we must unswervingly boost坚定不移地推进 our economic an
d political restructuring改革组，以?为中心 the promotion of
socialis
t market economy and socialist democracy, to ensure institutional
guarantee制度上的保证 for our peaceful growth. Second, we must大胆吸收
the fruits of human civilization while fostering培育养 the Chinese
civilization, to ensure cultural support for China's peaceful growth.
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Third, we must carefully balance the interests of different sectors
地区部门, securing a coordinated development between urban and rural
areas, between man and nature确保城乡地区之间、人与自然之间的均衡发
展, to create a social environment for China's strategic path for
peaceful growth. 关于这一方面，有三点重要的战略原则:首先，我们要坚定不移
地推进经济及政治的结构调整，集中注意力促进社会主义市场经济及社会主义
民
主的发展，为和平崛起的提供制度保障。第二，我们要在发展中国文明的同时
大
胆吸收人类文明的优秀成果，为和平发展提供文化保障。第三，我们要努力平
衡
各部门之间的利益，确保城乡发展、人与自然发展的平衡，为中国和平发展的
战
略道路创造社会环境。
In conclusion, I would like to make the following judgment based on
history and the prevalent current situation基于历史以及当前流行的
形势我将作出以下判断: Generally speaking, in the coming two or three
decades, Asia will be facing a rare historical opportunity for peaceful
growth, of which China will be a part. This not only means that China's
reform, opening up and growth崛起 are partly 可归于?的 the exp
erience and development of other Asian countries, but also means
that
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China, as an Asian country, will more positive and useful the
development, prosperity and stability繁荣、稳定of all the other Asian
coun
tries, its neighbors . 总而言之，根据历史及现今发展情况，我做出如下
的
判断:一般来说，在今后二十到三十年间，亚洲将有一次和平发展的珍贵的历
史
性机遇，而中国则是其中重要的一个部分。这不仅是指中国的改革开放和发展
对
于其他亚洲国家来说提供了非常好的经验，而且意味着作为一个亚洲国家，中
国
将在其他亚洲国家的发展、繁荣、稳定中扮演积极重要的角色，尤其是对于其
邻
国而言更是如此。
Unit 10
The Largest Recipient of Foreign Capital引资第一大国
At the China Conference政治协商会上: The Year of Capital, held i
n Beijing on December 4, Shi Guangsheng石广生, Minister of Foreign T
rade and Economic Cooperation, said that in 2002, for the first time,
China became the largest recipient接受者 of foreign direct
investment (FDI)外商直接投资 in the world. He predicted that this year's
FDI in China would exceed $$ 50 billion. 在12月4日于北京举行的“中国会
议:
资本年”上，外经贸部部长说，2002年中国第一次成为世界上吸收外国直接投
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资的“第一引资大国”。据他预计，中国今年利用外国直接投资将超过500亿
美
元。
Shi noted that this achievement has been accomplished through
positive, rational理性的 and effective measures for utilizing foreign
capital利用外资, under an overall situation of opening. 石广生表示:这
一成就的取得是与全面开放的情况下，积极、理性及有效地利用国外投资分不
开
的。
China has maintained a strong momentum in utilizing foreign capital
中国在利用外资过程中保持一种强劲的动力, while the FDI was declining
globally然而，直接利用外资在全球正呈下降趋势. Latest statistics fro
m the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation (MOFTEC)对
外
贸易经济合作部的最新统计显示 show that by October 2002, the number
of
newly approved foreign-funded enterprises外资企业had reached 27,630,
an increase of 35 percent over the same period of last year;
contractual foreign capital hit契约性外资达 $$ 75 billion, a rise of 36
percent: and actual use of foreign capital came to实际使用外资达 $$ 44.
7
billion, up 20 percent. 中国在全球外资直接投资不断下降的情况下，中国
依然保持着利用外资的强劲势头。外经贸的最新统计数据显示:到2002年10
月，新批准设立的外商投资企业达27630家，比去年同期增长35%;合同外商投
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资金额达750亿美元，增长36%;实际外商投资447亿美元，增长了20%。
排
名第一
among developing countries and regions for nine consecutive years连
续九年 in terms of attracting foreign capital吸引外资,
He added that 400 of the world's top 500 corporations世界500强企业
h
ave set up enterprises in China. Moreover, the number of research
and
development institutions established by foreign businesses reached
400 in 2002, the number of foreign-funded enterprises totaled 420, 000,
with contractual契约性foreign capital reaching $$ 820.2 billion and
actual use of foreign capital, $$ 439.9 billion. “根据最新的联合国世界投
资报告，中国已连续九年成为发展中国家及地区吸引外资的第一名。”石广生
说。他补充说，在世界500强企业中，已有400家在中国开设公司。而且，外
国
企业所建立的研究及发展机构也已经达到400家。2002年，外商投资企业共有
4
20000，合同外商投资金额达8202亿美元，实际外商投资4399亿美元。
At the same time, the industries and regional distributions分布
of foreign investment have been optimized使最优化.
s have their focus the manufacturing sector basic industries,
infrastructure facilities and hi-tech industries, as well as to central
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and western regions,
international industrial structures accelerated随着国际产业结构调整步伐
地加快, foreign businesses have increased their investment in China,
highlighting broadened scope扩大范围 and higher quality and level提
高其质量与水平. China has become a priority for foreign investment.
同时，外商投资的工业及地区分布也已最优化。“外国投资者已将他们的中心从
制造业转移到基础工业，基础设施设备辅助高科技产业，同时也从中心地区向
西
部地区转移。”石广生说。他还提到，随着国际工业结构重新调整的加速，外
国
企业也增加了在中国的投资，辐射的区域更广阔，质量及档次有所提高。中国
已
经成为外商投资的优先选择。
Promising Prospects前景光明
A recent survey conducted by A.T. Kearney Inc., a global management
consultant firm一家全球性管理咨询公司, indicates that China has s
urpassed the United States to become the most attractive destination
for FDI. A.T.科尔尼公司，一个全球管理咨询公司的最新调查显示: 中国已经
超过美国，成为最吸引外商直接投资的国家。
The survey shows that this year almost all countries experience a
slide滑进 in FDI, except for China. The Chinese market has attracted
more and more investors toward the country's economic prospects.
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Paul Laudicina, President of the Global Business Policy Council全球
贸易政策委员会的总裁 of A. T. Kearney, said that China's increasing
attractiveness can be attributed to 归因于several key factors: A
huge market with a population of 1.3 billion, long-term and rapid
economic growth, stable political situation and favorable investment
environment稳定地政治局面、良好的投资环境, as well as its WTO accession
and Beijing's successful bid投标，出价to host the 2008 Olympic
Games.
A.T.科尔尼公司全球商业政策委员会主席保罗?劳迪西那称，中国持续增长的
吸引力可以归于以下几个主要原因:13亿人口的巨大市场，长期快速的经济发
展，稳定的政治环境，有利的投资环境，以及加入WTO和北京成功申办2008
年
奥运会。
He noted that China has become a primary choice of manufacturing
enterprises throughout the world他指出中国已经成为全世界制造业首选的
国家. At present, large conglomerates聚集 热心 setting up factories
or joint ventures合资企业 in China, citing China’s advantage in raw
materials and skilled laborers利用中国在原材料和熟练劳动力的优势. In
addition, great potential in the financial, service and basic
industries and telecommunications, as well as wholesale and retail sale
sectors批发零售部门, also lures吸引，
引诱foreign capital. 他指出，中国已经成为制造业企业在全世界范围内
的第一位选择。目前，由于中国的自然资源丰富，有熟练的劳动力，因此联合
大
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企业都热衷于在中国开设企业或是合资公司。而且，金融业、服务业、基础工
业
电讯业、商品批发零售业的巨大潜力都极大地吸引着外国资本地注入。
Laudicina added that about 4 million people with an annual income
of more than $$10,000 would be added to the world by 2005, half of
which would be Chinese. Strong purchasing power is also a reason for
increasing FDI in China.
The survey shows that China is not only a FDI recipient, but also
an investor. Last year, China's top 12 state-owned enterprises
invested a total of $$ 30 billion in foreign countries, equivalent to相
当
于that of all of Latin America. In addition, many small and medium-
sized enterprises have also focused their attention on overseas market
s and invested in more than 40 countries. 调查显示，中国不仅只是一个
引
资国，同时也是投资国。去年，中国最大的12家国有企业在外国投资总额达
30
0亿美元，相当于整个拉丁美洲的投资。而且还有很多小的及中等企业将目光
放
到海外市场，在40多个国家进行投资。
Better Environment for Investment
Minister Shi Guangsheng stated that China would continue to
encourage introducing, exploring and creating new technologies鼓励引
进、开
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发并创新技术, and promote foreign investors to establish capital-
intensive投资密集的 and technologically advanced projects.
shall be made to strengthen policy guidance 以?方式 the limitations on
th
e proportion of foreign capital in joint ventures and industrial
equities资产净值,他说:“我们会致力于加强在合资企业及工业资产
净
值中外资受限的政策指导。”. He pointed out that China will further
revise rules and regulations concerning foreign-funded shareholding股
权 companies, perfect stipulations约定、契约 on the Build- Operate
Tra
nsfer model and franchise operation and prompt foreign-funded
enterprises' listing at home and abroad. 石广生部长表示，中国将继续鼓励
引进、
开发、创造新的科学技术，促进国外投资者建立资本密集型及高科技的项目。
他
说:“我们会致力于加强在合资企业及工业资产净值中外资受限的政策指
导。”
他指出，中国将修改涉及外资股权的法律法规，完善关于建构-操作的转变模
式
及特权操作的约定，鼓励国内外的外资企业投资。
In terms of the service sector, a new growth point for foreign
investment, Shi said,
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f-the-art艺术级的concepts, advanced managerial and operational
expertise专家意见，技能and technologies and modern marketing methods to
upgrade the structure and business level of its service sector. 在外
资投资新近增长的服务业方面，石广生指出:“中国鼓励引起艺术概念，先进
的
管理及操作专家意见及技术，现代化市场方式，以提高服务业的结构及水
平。”
A sound legal and policy environment is the key in absorbing foreign
investment. 必要的 to further improve the legal
system and enforce stable, consistent, predicable and workable
investment policies and laws,进一步改进法律体系，执行稳定、持续及可行性
的
投资政策及法规迫在眉睫Shi added. 健全的法律及政策环境对于吸引外资来
说非常重要。石广生补充说:“进一步改进法律体系，执行稳定、持续及可行
性
的投资政策及法规迫在眉睫。” China has formulated and revised a
numbe
r of laws and regulations on finance, insurance, telecommunications,
commerce, securities and funds, as well as intermediary organizations.
Minister Shi said that since its WTO accession, China has overhauled
more than 2,300 laws and
regulations, cancelled 830 of them and revised 325, largely
accomplishing the establishment of a legal system for foreign investment.
中国在金融、保险、通讯、商业、证券基金及仲裁等行业都对法律法规进行了阐
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释和修改。石部长说，自从加入WTO，中国就已经检查了2300多条法律法规，
取消830项，并修改了325项，大大地为外商投资建立了一个法律体系

environment,
d its commitments to further open up its market and create favorable
conditions for foreign investors' entry. Since January 1, 2002, the
Chinese Government has reduced import duties on more than 5 000 items,
and its general tariff level has been cut from 15.3 percent to 12
percent. “中国将继续改善公平开放的市场环境。”石广生说。从加入WTO，中
国就严格地履行其承诺，进一步开放市场，创造有利的外商投资环境。从2002
年1月起，中国政府就降低了5000多项税目的进口关税，平均关税率已由
15.3%
降到12%。

access for foreign investors to further their investment in China,
assured. “中国将开放更多的领域，并为外商进一步在华投资规范市场。”
石广生保证。
More Foreign Capital
The sluggish world economy has not hampered foreign businesses'
investment in China. , the strong momentum is continuing. 缓慢发展的世
界经济并没有牵制外国企业的在华投资，相反，这一强劲的增长势头还在持
续。
Steve Forbes, President of the Forbes magazine, said the call by the
16th National Congress of the Communist Party of China for more profound
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