傅莹：中国如何看俄罗斯(中英对照)_非文学翻译_英文巴士
革命故事-毕业设计工作总结
傅莹：中国如何看俄罗斯（中英对照）_非文学翻译_英文巴
士
中国如何看俄罗斯How ChinaSees Russia
——北京和
莫斯科关系密切，但不是盟友– Beijing and Moscow Are
Close, butNot Allies 傅莹Fu Ying 在俄罗斯与美欧关系日
趋
冷淡之际，中俄之间相对亲热的关系再次引起关注。西方
学者和媒体记者对中俄伙伴关系的性质展开了讨
论，探寻这
种伙伴关系是否会走向结盟。 At a time when Russian
relationswith the United States and western
European
countries are growing cold,
therelatively warm ties
between China and
Russia have attracted renewed
rs and
journalists in the West find
themselves
debating the nature of theChinese-Russian
partnership and wondering whether it will
evolve into
analliance. 冷战结束后，西方关于中俄关系的评估及其走势<
br>的猜测通常有两大种观点。一种认为中俄关系脆弱，不可预
料，充斥不确定因素——许多支持这种
观点的人称之为基于
利害关系的“权宜婚姻”，认为两国不太可能越走越近，反而
很可能渐行渐
远。而另一种观点认为，战略甚至意识形态的
考量构成中俄关系的基础，预言两国——都视美国为实现自
身意图可能的阻碍——未来必然会结成反美、反西方联盟。
Since
the end of the Cold War, twomain views have tended
to define Western assessments of the
Chinese-Russianrelationship and predictions of
its future.
The first view holds that the
linkbetween Beijing and
Moscow is vulnerable,
contingent, and marked
byuncertainties – a
“marriage of convenience,” to use the
phrase
favored by manyadvocates of this argument, who
see it as unlikely that the two countries
willgrow much
closer and quite possible that
they will begin to drift apart.
Theother view
posits that strategic and even ideological
factors form the basis ofChinese-Russian ties
and predicts
that the two countries – both of
which seethe United States
as a possible
obstacle to their objectives – will
eventuallyform an anti-U.S., anti-Western
alliance. 这两种
观点都没有准确地反映中俄关系的实质。中俄关系是稳定的
战略伙
伴关系，并非所谓的“权宜婚姻”：其内容丰富、基础
牢固。冷战后的国际关系演变进一步拉近了两国的
关系。一
些西方分析家和政府官员推测（可能有人甚至希望）俄罗斯
深度介入当前叙利亚和乌克
兰的冲突，将导致北京和莫斯科
关系紧张——甚至破裂。事实上，这样的状况并没有发生。
Neither view accurately capturesthe true
nature of the
relationship. The Chinese-
Russian relationship is astable
strategic partnership and by no means a
marriage of
convenience: it iscomplex, sturdy,
and deeply rooted.
Changes in international
relations sincethe end of the Cold
War have
only brought the two countries closer
Western
analysts and officials have
speculated (and
perhaps even hoped)that the ongoing
conflicts
in Syria and Ukraine, in which Russia has
becomeheavily involved, would lead to tensions
between
Beijing and Moscow – or even arupture.
But that has not
happened. 不过，中国无意与俄罗斯正式结盟，也不会
结成
任何形式的反美、反西方联盟。相反，北京希望稳定中俄关
系，为这两大邻国实现国家发展
目标提供安全的环境，通过
互利互惠的合作彼此提供支持，从而为大国处理分歧和开展
合作提供
范例，这有利于巩固国际体系。 Nevertheless,
China has no
interestin a formal alliance with Russia, nor
in forming an anti-U.S. or anti-Westernbloc of
any kind.
Rather, Beijing hopes that China and
Russia can
maintaintheir relationship in a way
that will provide a safe
environment for the
twobig neighbors to achieve their
development
goals and to support each otherthrough
mutually beneficial cooperation, offering a
model for how
majorcountries can manage their
differences and
cooperate in ways that
strengthenthe international system.
关系牢固Ties
ThatBind 中国同沙俄及此后的苏联在19世
纪末到20世纪中叶有过数次结盟。但是每次都
很短暂，因
为结盟只是两个实力失衡的国家间的权宜之计。在之后的几
十年，这两个强大的共产
党领导的国家关系马马虎虎，虽然
也有合作，但更多的是陷入对抗和猜疑。1989年，在苏联
政权的末期，两国关系终于恢复正常。双方共同宣布，“要在
互相尊重主权和领土完整、互不侵犯、互不
干涉内政、平等
互利、和平共处”的基础上发展双边关系。两年后，苏联解体，
但中俄关系继承
了“不结盟、不对抗，不针对第三国”的原则。
On several occasions
between theend of the nineteenth
century and
the middle of the twentieth century,
Chinaentered into an alliance with the Russian
empire and
its successor, the SovietUnion. But
every time, the
arrangement proved short-
lived, as each amounted
tonothing more than an
expediency between countries of
unequal
strength. In thedecades that followed, the two
powerful communist-led countries
muddledthrough,
occasionally cooperating but
often riven by rivalry and
mistrust. In1989,
in the waning years of Soviet rule, they
finally restored normalcy totheir relations.
They jointly
declared that they would develop
bilateralrelations based
on “mutual
respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity,mutual nonaggression,
noninterference in each
other’s internal
affairs,equality and mutual benefit, and
peaceful coexistence.” Two years later,
theSoviet Union
disintegrated, but Chinese-
Russian relations carried on
with theprinciple
of “no alliance, no conflict, and no
targeting
any third country.” 此后不久，新生的俄罗斯联邦
奉行所谓的“大西洋主义”。
为了赢得西方信任和援助，俄罗
斯不仅经济改革走西方路线，而且在削减战略核武器等诸多
重要
安全问题上也作出让步。但俄罗斯的愿望并没有实现，
反而出现经济萎缩，区域影响力下降。俄罗斯对美
欧援助口
惠而实不至感到失望，对北约东扩意图十分不满，1992年
开始重视亚洲。同年，中
俄宣布相互视为“友好国家”并发表
联合政治声明，强调“各国人民自由选择其国内发展道路的权
利应得到尊重，社会制度和意识形态的差异不应妨碍国家关
系的正常发展”。 Soon
thereafter, the newbornRussian
Federation
embraced the so-called Atlanticist approach.
To win thetrust and help of the West, Russia
not only
followed Western prescriptions
foreconomic reform but
also made concessions
on major security issues,
includingreducing
its stockpile of strategic nuclear
weapons.
However, things didn’tturn out the way the
Russians had hoped, as the country’s
economy tanked
andits regional influence
waned. In 1992, disappointed
with what they
saw asunfulfilled pledges of American and
European assistance and irritated by talkof
NATO’s
eastward expansion, the Russians began
to pay more
attention to year, China and
Russia announced
that each would regard the
other as a“friendly country” and
issued a
joint political statement stipulating that
“thefreedom of people to choose their own
development
paths should be respected,while
differences in social
systems and ideologies
should not hamper the
normalprogress of
relations.” 自此开始，中俄关系逐步改善
和深入。在过去的20多年来，双边贸易和投资
大幅增长。
2011年，中国成为俄罗斯最大贸易伙伴国。仅2014年一年，
中国对俄投资增
幅就高达80%——而这一增长势头依然保
持强劲。上世纪九十年代早期，中俄贸易额每年尚不足50<
br>亿美元，而2014年这一数字已接近1000亿美元，足以彰显
两国经贸关系的成长。2014
年，北京和莫斯科签署里程碑
式的天然气管道协议，俄将从2018年起向中国供气，每年
最大
输气量将达380亿立方米。此外，双方还计划在核电、
航空制造、高铁、基础设施建设等领域做一些大
事，并且在
亚洲基础设施投资银行、金砖国家开发银行、金砖国家外汇
储备库等
新的多边金融平台开展合作。 Ever since,
Chinese-
Russianrelations have gradually improved and
deepened. During the past 20 years or
so,bilateral trade
and investment have
expanded on a massive scale. In
2011,
Chinabecame Russia’s largest trading partner. In
2014 alone, China’s investment inRussia grew
by 80
percent – and the trend toward more
investment
remainsstrong. To get a sense of
the growth in economic
ties, consider that in
theearly 1990s, annual bilateral trade
between
China and Russia amounted to around$$5 billion;
by 2014, it came close to $$100 billion. That
year, Beijing
andMoscow signed a landmark
agreement to construct a
pipeline that, by
2018, willbring as much as 38 billion cubic
meters of Russian natural gas to China
everyyear. The two
countries are also planning
significant deals involving
nuclearpower
generation, aerospace manufacturing,
high-
speed rail, and infrastructuredevelopment.
Furthermore, they are cooperating on new
multinational
financialinstitutions, such as
the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank, the
NewDevelopment Bank BRICS, and
the BRICS
foreign exchange reserve pool. 同时，中俄两国
安全关系也在增强
。中国已经成为俄罗斯最大武器进口国，
两国正在探讨开展一系列武器联合研制项目。中
俄开展的广
泛的防务合作有高级别军事人员磋商和联演联训，包括双方
过去10多年间在双边及
上海合作组织框架下举行的20余次
联合反恐军演。20年间，已有数千名中国军人赴俄留学，而
俄罗斯很多军官也到中国国防大学短期进修。 Meanwhile,
security ties
haveimproved as well. China has become one
of
the largest importers of Russianarms, and the two
countries are discussing a number of joint
armsresearch-and-development projects.
Extensive
Chinese-Russian defensecooperation
involves
consultations between high-level
military personnel
andjoint training and
exercises, including more than a
dozen
jointcounterterrorism exercises during the past
decade or so, carried out eitherbilaterally or
under the
auspices of the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization. Inthe
past 20 years, thousands
of Chinese military personnel
have studied
inRussia, and many Russian military officials
have received short-term trainingat the
National Defense
University of China. 伴随着经济、军事
关系的加强，中俄政
治关系也在不断加深。2008年，两国和平解决了困扰多年
的领土争议，
划定2600多英里（合4300多公里）的边界线，
从而消除了两国关系的最大隐患——这在邻近的大
国之间
十分难得。目前两国在国家元首、总理、议长、外长等各层
级都有年度定
期会晤的安排。自2013年就任中国国家主席
以来，习近平已五次赴俄，俄罗斯总统普京也三次来华。
两
人总共已经会晤了12次，普京成为习近平就任国家主席以
来见面最多的外国元首。 As
economic and military links
havestrengthened,
so, too, have political ones. In 2008,
China
and Russia were ableto peacefully resolve
territorial
disputes that had troubled
relations fordecades, formally
demarcating
their 2,600-mile-plus border and thus
eliminatingtheir single largest source of
tension – a rare
achievement for big recent
years, the two
countries have held regular
annual meetings betweentheir
heads of states,
prime ministers, top legislators, and
foreign
2013, when Xi Jinping became
president of
China, he has paid five visitsto Russia, and
Russian President Vladimir Putin has traveled
three times
toChina in the same time period.
All told, Xi and Putin have
met 12 times,
makingPutin the foreign head of state whom
Xi
has met most frequently since assumingthe
presidency.
管控分歧ManagingDifferences 尽管取得了长足进展
，但
中俄两个邻国间依然存在分歧，外交政策的关注点也各有侧
重。俄罗斯传统上面向欧洲，而
中国则更多聚焦亚洲。两国
外交行事风格也不同，俄罗斯在全球舞台上经验更加丰富，<
br>外交上往往强势，主动，常出人意料。而中国外交则应对性
多一些，更小心谨慎。 For
all this progress, differencesstill
exist
between the two neighbors, and they don’t always
share the samefocus when it comes to foreign
policy.
Russia is traditionally oriented
towardEurope, whereas
China is more concerned
with Asia. The two
countries’diplomatic styles
differ as well. Russia is more
experienced on
the globaltheater, and it tends to favor
strong, active, and often surprising
diplomaticmaneuvers.
Chinese diplomacy, in
contrast, is more reactive and
cautious. 中国的崛起
引发了一些俄罗斯人的不安，有些俄
罗斯人对中俄力量对比的变化感到不适应。旧有的“中国威胁
论”在俄罗斯仍有一定市场。俄罗斯舆论基金会于2008年进
行的一项民意调查显示，约60%的俄
罗斯人担心日益增多的
中国远东移民会对俄领土主权产生威胁，41%的受访者认为
中国的强大
将损害俄罗斯的利益。随着中国不断寻求新的对
外投资贸易机会，同前苏联国家合作不断深化，俄罗斯人
担
心中国在其周边争夺影响力。这在一定程度上导致了俄罗斯
一度对北京的丝绸之路经济带倡议
显示出犹豫。不过，俄罗
斯最终于2014年表示对该倡议的支持。另外，仍然有中国
人因历史
上的一些问题对俄罗斯存有不满。尽管双方已和平
解决领土争议，沙俄于19世纪末抢占
中国大约一百五十万
平方公里土地的问题在中国评论界仍常有议论。 China’s
rise has produceddiscomfort among some in
Russia,
where some people have had
difficultyadjusting to the shift
in relative
power between China and Russia. There is
stilltalk in Russia of “the China threat,” a
holdover
expression from past eras. Apoll
conducted in 2008 by
Russia’s Public Opinion
Foundation showed that around60
percent of
Russians were concerned that Chinese
migration
to Far Easternborder areas would threaten
Russia’s territorial integrity; 41 percent
believedthat a
stronger China would harm
Russian interests. And as
China’s quest fornew
investment and trade opportunities
abroad has
led to increased Chinesecooperation with
former Soviet states, Russians have worried
that China
iscompeting for influence in their
neighborhood. Partly as a
result,
Moscowinitially hesitated to support Beijing’s
SilkRoad Economic Belt initiative before
ultimately
embracing it in ile, some Chinese
continue
to nurse historical grievances
regardingRussia. Despite
the resolution of the
border issue, Chinese
commentatorssometimes
make critical references to the
nearly
600,000 square miles ofChinese territory that
tsarist
Russia annexed in the late nineteenth
century. 然而，以上
分歧都不足以支持西方关于中俄关系会渐行渐远的猜测。过
去两
年，俄罗斯和美国、欧盟的关系由于乌克兰和叙利亚危
机每况愈下，关于中俄关系会恶化的评论在西方不
时出现。
但是，尽管有分歧，中俄对坚定发展两国关系的政策考量是
一致的。为双方各自的安全
和发展所需，双方必须合作。两
国携手既有利于国际政治的平衡，也可推动一些国际问题的
解决
。双方既有共识，也有分歧，但双方能承认和有效管控
分歧，同时不断扩大共识。正如中国外长王毅所言
，中俄关
系是一条对外交往的新路，可以为其他国家提供一种可以效
仿的模式。
However, these differences hardlysupport
speculation in the West that Beijing and
Moscow are
drifting theory has occasionally
appeared in
Western commentary in the past
twoyears, as Russia’s
relations with the
United States and the EU have
deterioratedowing to the crises in Syria and
Ukraine.
Despite some differences,
however,China and Russia
share a desire to
firmly develop their bilateral relations
andunderstand that they must join hands to
achieve
national security anddevelopment.
Their cooperation is
conducive to balance in
the internationalsystem and can
facilitate the solution of some
international
mes they agree; sometimes they
do not.
But they are able to acknowledgeand
manage their
disagreements while continuing to
expand areas of
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang
Yi has
noted, the Chinese-Russian
relationshipoffers a new
approach for
conducting external relations and represents
apossible model for other states to follow. 对乌
克兰和叙利
亚危机的应对，反映了中俄如何有效地维护双边伙伴关系。
美国很多人认为中国对乌
克兰问题态度不明朗，或怀疑中国
倒向了俄罗斯一边。事实上，2014年俄罗斯吞并克里米亚
后，中国外交部发言人明确表示，应该尊重乌克兰独立、主
权和领土完整。中方强调的是，相关所有各方
应通过对话解
决分歧，设立协调机制，不采取恶化局势的行动，并协助乌
克兰维护经济和金融稳
定。中国并未倒向任何一边：在国际
问题方面，北京从来恪守公正、公平和客观的原则。 The
crises in Syria and Ukraineilluminate the ways
in which
China and Russia have effectively
managed
theirpartnership. Many in the United
States see China’s
attitude toward the
conflictin Ukraine as unclear or suspect
that
China has sided with Russia. In fact,after the
Russian
annexation of Crimea in 2014, the
spokesperson for
theChinese Ministry of
Foreign Affairs stated unequivocally
that
Ukraine’sindependence, sovereignty, and
territorial
integrity should be respected.
Chinaemphasized that all
the parties involved
in the Ukrainian conflict shouldresolve
their
differences through dialogue, establish
coordinating
mechanisms,refrain from
activities that could worsen the
situation,
and assist Ukraine inmaintaining its economic
and financial stability. China did not take
any side:fairness
and objectivity serve as
guiding principles for Beijing
whenaddressing
international affairs. 但是，中国外交人士
和领导人也对导致危机的根源更
加关注，包括后苏联国家屡
次上演的西方支持的“颜色革命”和北约东扩对俄罗斯产生的
压力等
。还有一层因素不能忽略，这就是俄与那些前苏联共
和国之间存在的复杂的历史、民族、宗教及领土纠葛
。乌克
兰危机是所有这些因素叠加的结果。正如习近平主席所说，
乌克兰危机，“不是凭空产生
的”。 But Chinese diplomats
and leadersare also
mindful of what led to the crisis,
including
the series ofWestern-supported “color revolutions”
in post-Soviet states and the pressure
onRussia that
resulted from NATO’s eastward
expansion. It is also worth
notingthat there
have long been complicated historical,
ethnic,
religious, andterritorial issues between Russia
and
the former Soviet republics. The
Ukrainecrisis is a result of
all these
factors. As Xi put it, the crisis is “notcoming
from
nowhere.” 在叙利亚问题上，北京认为，俄罗斯应叙利亚政
府请求进行军
事干涉，目的是打击恐怖主义和极端主义分子。
尽管华盛顿呼吁叙利亚总统阿萨德下台，但它与俄打击“
伊斯
兰国”组织的目标是相同的。因此，美国一方面谴责俄罗斯干
涉，另一方面又表示愿意与俄
罗斯共同打击恐怖主义。俄罗
斯的行动虽不完全是美国希望看到的，但对美国利益来讲并
不完全
是坏事。从中国的角度看，俄罗斯和美国在打击“伊斯
兰国”这样凶残的恐怖主义方面是有共同利益的。
中国希望，
俄罗斯、美国、伊朗和其他本地区相关国家的会谈将在解决
该问题方面取得进展。
On Syria, the view in Beijing isthat
Russia
launched its military intervention at the request
of
the Syriangovernment in order to combat
terrorist and
extremist forces.
AlthoughWashington has called for
Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad to step down, itshares
Russia’s goal of taking on the Islamic State
(also known as
ISIS). So onthe one hand, the
United States has criticized
the Russian
intervention, but onthe other hand, it has
expressed willingness to work with Russia
oncounterterrorism. The Russian move, then,
was not
exactly what the UnitedStates wanted
to see but was not
an entirely bad
thing for U.S. interests,either. From China’s
perspective, Russia and the United States
share aninterest
in confronting the brutal
terrorists of ISIS. The hope in
China isthat
talks among Russia, the United States, Iran,
and a number of otherregional powers will make
progress
in resolving the conflict. 但是，很难说俄美在叙
利亚方面的
合作前景如何，因为双方对如何达成和平与秩序并无共识。
许多中国人感到困惑的是
，美俄观念受冷战影响依然很严重。
美国政客和媒体谈俄罗斯，总像在讲那个失败的冷战对手。
而在俄罗斯也常能听到对美国傲慢和帝国主义的抨击。双方
都有分析人士认为，莫斯科和华盛顿之间在乌
克兰和叙利亚
问题上的对抗可能导致新的冷战。但在中国看来，这场对抗
更像是冷战终结的漫长
过程。不知道这次双方是否能够抓住
机会，彻底结束宿仇旧恨。 But it is
difficult to know how
farU.S.-Russian
cooperation in Syria can go without a
common
understanding aboutwhat will lead to peace and
order. And many in China find it perplexing
thatU.S. and
Russian perceptions are still so
heavily influenced by the
Cold War.U.S.
politicians and commentators tend to talk
about Russia as if it were stillthe failed
Cold War rival.
Meanwhile, Russian officials
and observersfrequently
criticize Washington’s
behavior as arrogant or imperial.
Someanalysts on both sides have
suggested that the
standoff between Moscow
andWashington over Syria and
Ukraine could
lead to a new Cold War. But fromChina’s
point
of view, the current confrontations seem more like
a
prolongedending of the original Cold War. It
remains
unclear if Moscow and Washingtonwill
take this opportunity
to finally put old
enmities to rest.